Deze scriptie onderzoekt de aanwezigheid van het Thatcherisme binnen de Conservatieve partij na het aftreden van Thatcher door te analyseren of er Thatcherite beleid aanwezig was bij de...Show moreDeze scriptie onderzoekt de aanwezigheid van het Thatcherisme binnen de Conservatieve partij na het aftreden van Thatcher door te analyseren of er Thatcherite beleid aanwezig was bij de Conservatieve Premiers John Major en David Cameron.Show less
Een onderzoek naar de relatie tussen de Afghaanse Taliban en al Qaeda. Hierbij wordt, aan de hand van memo's en memoires, onderzocht hoe de Amerikaanse ministers van Defensie Donald Rumsfeld (2001...Show moreEen onderzoek naar de relatie tussen de Afghaanse Taliban en al Qaeda. Hierbij wordt, aan de hand van memo's en memoires, onderzocht hoe de Amerikaanse ministers van Defensie Donald Rumsfeld (2001-2006) en Robert Gates (2006-2011) de relatie zagen.Show less
There exists a confusing and conflicting narrative at the core of the Irish Civil War's historiography. On one hand it has been portrayed as a bitter and savage conflict, while on the other, one in...Show moreThere exists a confusing and conflicting narrative at the core of the Irish Civil War's historiography. On one hand it has been portrayed as a bitter and savage conflict, while on the other, one in which the fighting was exaggerated and overstated. This paper uses a study of the Irish Civil War in the geographical unit of County Kerry to argue that this confusing dichotomy has existed because of the absence of any systematic analysis of that most elemental factor in any armed conflict, the actual violence. Using a micro-level analysis of the violent deaths of National Army soldiers and IRA men in Kerry during the conflict this paper argues that the IRA prosecuted the war using controversial and contentious tactics while a culture of indiscipline in the National Army saw it engage in reprisals and extra-judicial killings as its main means of asserting control.Show less
Assimilation in colonial African history has often been studied as an active policy. Recent literature has argued that assimilation was instead far more limited and complicated, especially in the...Show moreAssimilation in colonial African history has often been studied as an active policy. Recent literature has argued that assimilation was instead far more limited and complicated, especially in the case of French-Senegal. This thesis therefore examines cultural assimilation as a rhetorical tool rather than as a directly implemented idea, asking: did the French colonial government in Senegal, between 1852 and 1906, consciously implement assimilation processes with the intended purpose of stimulating the general acceptance of French identity in local indigenous groups, or were there other factors involved? A precursory analysis of how the métis of the Four Communes self-gallicised into French mercantile and cultural intermediaries frames the complex historical situation of French-Senegal. The centuries-long public disinterest towards imperial affairs that the métis experienced resulted in certain freedoms, which they used to construct themselves as French intermediaries over a long period of time. This directly contrasts the short-term adjustments to the indigenous status quo undergone by the Toucouleurs of Futa Toro in the late-19th century, after decades of direct and indirect conflict with the French. This paper provides a more complete picture of how assimilation evolved, was viewed, and significantly more limited than 19th and early-20th century ideological rhetoric suggests. Limited intermediary construction emerges instead as the colonial government’s main policy to ensure long-term stability in newly acquired interior regions, imperial competition with other European powers being a key catalyst. While the colonial government did attempt a few instances of direct assimilation, the budgetary and logistical difficulties of enforcing the acceptance of French civilization indicate that this was not in colonial interest. Policy was instead driven to construct effective intermediaries, which allowed the government to focus on the larger issues it had to deal with. This is connected to the initial war against the jihadi Toucouleur Empire, and the continuing threat that both it and its leaders represented. The Toucouleur Empire had control over a significant swath of West Africa, and the ruling Tall dynasty that claimed those territories was a problem for French colonial ambitions. In addition, the predominantly Islamic indigenous group was highly resistant to foreign Europeans, making assimilation all the more difficult and unlikely in the long run. Due to the demands of imperial competition, the French sought to undermine the Toucouleur Empire, and the Tall dynasty that held sway over it. This was successful, in part thanks to manipulation of the geopolitical situation through treaties with local indigenous chiefs and arming Toucouleur rivals - with indigenous geopolitics playing a significant role on its own in causing the decline of the Toucouleur Empire. The colonial government seized Futa Toro in 1890, forcing the Tall dynasty into exile. The years that followed and the policies implemented further suggest that assimilation was limited in French-Senegal, largely relegated to rhetoric that exaggerated events to fit into unrealistic ideological expectations. A form of limited intermediary construction was emphasised instead, as seen in source description of Islamic policies, which sought to restrict the movement of Muslim preachers and curtail the influence of Islam. Due to the cultural importance of the Islamic faith in Futa Toro, this policy intended to favour French civilization as a replacement – but was unsuccessful. This shows the difficulties that the colonial government encountered when it did attempt to enforce the widespread acceptance of French civilization, and by extension identity, in indigenous groups. Information-gathering practises through 19th century military expeditions also highlight that the colonial government was in no position to extensively consolidate French identity in the region. The French had to acquire as much information about local affairs as possible, so that effective policies could be enacted within budgetary restrictions – which they used to guide the writing of treaties. This is tied to the power wielded by the Tall dynasty, which originated from established Islamic traditions such as the hajj. The French, through information-gathering practises, were well aware of these traditions, and sought to limit the ability for the clerical elite to rebel effectively against them in the long-term. The eventual restriction of the hajj was subsequently enacted through enforced treaty terms, ensuring that indigenous elite children would acquire a predominantly French-education. Yet even in these schools, they were able to speak their own language outside of class and attend Qur’anic schools. This was done so that the ruling elite would be gallicised enough to never question colonial rule, yet not French enough to be able to identify themselves as such in any meaningful way – potentially unable to act as effective leaders and intermediaries in their respective communities as a result. Even this process was complicated by conflicting interpretations of assimilation between colonial missionaries and officials, relating to assimilation’s conceptual connection to the European civilizing mission. This thesis therefore concludes that the French colonial government in Senegal, between 1852 and 1906, certainly talked about assimilation in a way that implied they had consciously implemented assimilation processes with the intended purpose of stimulating the general acceptance of French identity in local indigenous groups. Other factors show that this was not the historical reality, however. The colonial government was not able to apply direct assimilation to the same ideological extent as rhetoric portrayed. Rather, over the span of several decades and due to budgetary restrictions, the government focused on applying pragmatic long-term solutions to ensure public order and stability. This conclusion was driven by theoretical and methodological considerations. To ensure that colonial perspectives remained firmly fixed in their context, this thesis was written using a social imaginary approach, permitting this paper to speak more objectively to what occurred within colonial conversations. Importantly, this avoids the assumption that a ‘superior’ civilisation was dictating the terms of interaction in West Africa. In addition, this new approach provides fresh insights and perspectives, allowing this thesis to contribute something new to existing colonial African literature.Show less
This thesis analyses the use of persuasive rhetorical styles within the political discourse that was present in the popular prints of early eighteenth century Scotland. Using Aristotle’s rhetorical...Show moreThis thesis analyses the use of persuasive rhetorical styles within the political discourse that was present in the popular prints of early eighteenth century Scotland. Using Aristotle’s rhetorical schemata of logos, pathos and ethos as a tool for textual analysis, this thesis demonstrates how Whig, Tory and Jacobite agents used the medium of popular print to endorse their own political ideologies as well as undermining those of their opponents from the Act of Union of 1707 until the Porteous affair of 1736. About twenty percent of the popular prints that constitute this thesis’ corpus of sources, were found to contain political notions corresponding to the contemporary party lines. Within these prints, Whigs were found to appeal to logos for factual representation and amplification, but primarily made use of the pathos of graciousness to portray themselves as righteous. The appeal to this emotion was supported by a virtuous ethos that focused on characterizations such as goodness, honesty and grace. Contrarily, Tories and Jacobites hardly made use of logos but instead appealed to a range of emotions within the concept of pathos, such as gentleness and pity, and ascribed themselves an ethos that included bravery, valance and loyalty. In undermining the opposition, both Whig as well as Tory and Jacobite prints vilify the opponent through the pathos of anger, hatred, enmity and contempt. However, it is in the undermining where ethos becomes the main means of persuasion. Tories are described as incompetent, Jacobites are characterized as barbarous fools, and Whigs as conceiting and self-serving politicians. Consequently, Whigs typically sought to portray themselves as morally and ethically superior to their opponents and their readership, whereas Jacobites seemingly sought to identify with their readership more, emphasizing how everyone was suffering under the Whig government. This thesis outlines the persuasive content of a political discourse that was present within a type of print available to both high and low culture. With this, it argues that political discussion was not strictly reserved for intelligentsia, although it also sustains the assumption that ephemeral print was generally used as a trivial news agent. Ass well as this, this thesis provides two relative novelties. First, it constructs an explicit and restricting definition of the concept 'popular', unlike most academic publications on this concept that apply the term without restrictions. Second, it offers a series of perspectives on the content of a previously unstudied corpus of ephemeral prints published in early eighteenth century Scotland, which is both a period and area that has been understudied with regards to the role of politics in popular print culture.Show less
The Republic of Ireland and its relationship with Catholicism and the Catholic church in Ireland has been a prominent topic in Irish and International newspapers in recent years, primarily due to...Show moreThe Republic of Ireland and its relationship with Catholicism and the Catholic church in Ireland has been a prominent topic in Irish and International newspapers in recent years, primarily due to the scandals that have arisen relating to the abuse of women and children under the care of the State. It’s ill-treatment of the vulnerable citizens who were in the care of religious institutions has been increasingly public since the early 1990s and includes women in Magdalen laundries and those in mother and baby homes amongst other victims. How these scandals were addressed by Irish newspapers following the pivotal points from 1990 to the present day and the impact of this on the secularisation of Ireland are addressed in this paper.Show less
Deze scriptie plaatst de Ierse onafhankelijkheidsoorlog in een koloniale context om zo te bepalen in hoeverre Ierland gezien kan worden als een kolonie.
Eamon de Valera is one of the most devisive figures in modern Irish history. Throughout the years his legacy has been changed and challenged. That is why the question often comes up what his effect...Show moreEamon de Valera is one of the most devisive figures in modern Irish history. Throughout the years his legacy has been changed and challenged. That is why the question often comes up what his effect on Ireland post-independence really was. This thesis tries to reevaluate his legacy and look at his viewpoints.Show less
Deze scriptie toont de opinies die verschillende Nederlandse kranten uitdroegen ten tijden van de Britse toetreding tot Europese Gemeenschappen in de jaren 1969-1973. Er is onderzoek gedaan naar de...Show moreDeze scriptie toont de opinies die verschillende Nederlandse kranten uitdroegen ten tijden van de Britse toetreding tot Europese Gemeenschappen in de jaren 1969-1973. Er is onderzoek gedaan naar de publicaties van De Telegraaf, De Tijd, Trouw, Algemeen Handelsblad, NRC Handelsblad, de Volkskrant, Het Parool, Het Vrije Volk, Nederlands Dagblad en De Waarheid. De studie toont aan dat de kranten uiteenlopende meningen verkondigden en dat zij verschilden in de wijze waarop zij hun opinie aan het publiek brachten. Er is vastgesteld dat de meerderheid van de onderzochte nieuwsbladen de Britse toetreding steunden. Het onderzoek heeft echter ook uitgewezen dat De Waarheid een zeer uitgesproken tegenstander was, dat het Nederlands Dagblad onverschillig tegen over de Britse aansluiting stond en dat de redactie van Het Vrije Volk verschillende meningen uitten.Show less
This thesis looks at British society and the changes that have taken place in the British minds regarding the EU. It does so by analysing the political discourse and local changes that have taken...Show moreThis thesis looks at British society and the changes that have taken place in the British minds regarding the EU. It does so by analysing the political discourse and local changes that have taken place between the 1975 an 2016 referendum.Show less
Decolonising Britain. To what extent did the activities of right-wing groups between 1960-1973 indicate a wider British inability to come to terms with the new post-colonial order?
Deze afstudeerscriptie is een case study van drie Ierse Republikeinen, Austin Stack, Michael Fitzgerald en Mary MacSwiney, die in de periode 1916-1923 in hongerstaking gingen om een onafhankelijke...Show moreDeze afstudeerscriptie is een case study van drie Ierse Republikeinen, Austin Stack, Michael Fitzgerald en Mary MacSwiney, die in de periode 1916-1923 in hongerstaking gingen om een onafhankelijke Ierse Republiek te realiseren. Deze scriptie heeft aangetoond hoe deze hongerstakingen gelegitimeerd werden door de Republikeinen en hoe de Ierse bevolking reageerde op de hongerstakingen. De drie cases zijn met elkaar vergeleken om per periode de verschillen te ontdekken in de legitimering van de hongerstakingen en de reactie van de bevolking.Show less
In this thesis, political theory on party discipline is used to shed light on the disunity within the British Labour Party on the European Question during 1965-1975. The managerial regime of the...Show moreIn this thesis, political theory on party discipline is used to shed light on the disunity within the British Labour Party on the European Question during 1965-1975. The managerial regime of the Whip System used to contain rebellious behavior within the MP's of the Labour Party, but was challenged by the growing amount of leftist MP's who considered the EEC too capitalistic. The management of this discord by the party top and Harold Wilson in particular is what is researched in this thesis.Show less
The Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in...Show moreThe Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in a decisive British victory, leading many to assume that it was an isolated incident, a flash in the pan that would fade into history, carrying little wider significance. In the modern day, 14 territories, including the Falkland Islands, remain constitutionally linked to the United Kingdom. They are now known as the UK or British Overseas Territories. These are relics of the colonial era that have not achieved independence either by choice or matters of practicality. This thesis proves that the 1982 Falklands War was a conflict of wider significance for the British Overseas Territories in several key areas affecting life and politics in these territories and in the UK itself. This is in contrast to writers who have argued the contrary, that the Falklands War was of no wider significance to Britain's interests overseas.Show less
In de jaren zeventig werd Nederland opgeschrikt door verschillende gijzelingsacties van Molukse jongeren. Na de treinkaping bij Wijster in 1975 was de gijzeling bij De Punt in 1977 de tweede...Show moreIn de jaren zeventig werd Nederland opgeschrikt door verschillende gijzelingsacties van Molukse jongeren. Na de treinkaping bij Wijster in 1975 was de gijzeling bij De Punt in 1977 de tweede treinkaping door Molukkers in korte tijd. De gijzeling bij De Punt werd na bijna drie weken beëindigd door mariniers, die in opdracht van de regering de trein binnenvielen. Daarbij kwamen zes Molukse treinkapers en twee gegijzelden om het leven. Bij de Molukse gemeenschap heerst er veel onvrede over het optreden van de mariniers in de trein. Zij hebben het gevoel dat de treinkapers zijn geëxecuteerd. Bijna veertig jaar later, in 2015, kwam de treinkaping weer nadrukkelijk in het nieuws. Molukse nabestaanden van twee van de treinkapers hebben de Nederlandse staat aangeklaagd voor het executeren van de kapers Max Papilaya en Hansina Uktolseja. In 2018 loopt de rechtszaak nog steeds en worden de mariniers gehoord als getuigen voor hun optreden in de trein. In deze thesis wordt behandeld hoe het komt dat er pas veertig jaar later een rechtszaak wordt aangespannen. Wat is er in deze periode gebeurd? En in hoeverre heeft die Molukse onvrede het beleid van de overheid over de beëindiging van de treinkaping beïnvloed?Show less
In this paper the author examines British foreign policy during the time of the Crimean crisis through the lens of international relations, focusing on the balance of power and concert of Europe...Show moreIn this paper the author examines British foreign policy during the time of the Crimean crisis through the lens of international relations, focusing on the balance of power and concert of Europe respectively. It does so by examining the foreign policy of the two succesive administrations during the crisis (Aberdeen's and Palmerston's) and how these fit into a framework of international relationships. Doing so, the author hopes to find that viewing these policies through a more 'technical lens' provides a new perspective on them.Show less
Dit onderzoek analyseert in welke mate de totstandkoming van Estlands onafhankelijkheid in 1991 van buitenaf is beïnvloed. Aangetoond wordt dat zowel vanuit de Verenigde Staten als vanuit West...Show moreDit onderzoek analyseert in welke mate de totstandkoming van Estlands onafhankelijkheid in 1991 van buitenaf is beïnvloed. Aangetoond wordt dat zowel vanuit de Verenigde Staten als vanuit West-Europa invloeden werden uitgeoefend die de onafhankelijkheid bespoedigden. Dit werpt een nieuw perspectief op de doorgaans nationalistische historiografie over Estlands onafhankelijkheidsbeweging.Show less
In hoeverre beïnvloede de Britse publieke de Britse politiek, aangaande hun positie tegenover Duitsland? Dit onderzoek bekijkt dit aan de hand van de berichtgeving van verschillende kranten.
