In September 2021, the construction of the natural gas pipeline Nord Stream 2 was completed by the Russian state-owned company Gazprom alongside five European partner companies from Western and...Show moreIn September 2021, the construction of the natural gas pipeline Nord Stream 2 was completed by the Russian state-owned company Gazprom alongside five European partner companies from Western and Central Europe. Within the European Union this project had already been seen as highly controversial prior to its construction. Essentially, it became evident that a neoliberal approach to develop a commercially profitable pipeline – which was supported by a handful of individual EU member states – faced widespread geopolitically influenced neorealist concerns regarding rising Russian influence within the EU’s energy sector. Moreover, the apparent success of Nord Stream 2 brought into question the effectiveness and purpose of the EU energy policy strategy, which promotes a broad diversification of energy sources. Through utilising a case study research design, this master thesis aims to evaluate the challenges that the EU encounters in implementing its strategic objectives in its natural gas trade relations with Russia based on the example of Austria. This is achieved by analysing the role of Austria in selected natural gas infrastructure projects which vary significantly in the extent to which they align with the broader EU strategy. Furthermore, this thesis elaborates on the theoretical debate between neorealism and neoliberalism on interpreting EU-Russian energy relations and demonstrates how this has impacted the discussions surrounding the case at hand. The results of this master thesis show the limitations of theoretical approaches in IR to fully reflect the intricacies of EU-Russian gas trade relations. Moreover, the thesis also demonstrates that the implementation of the EU’s strategic targets faces a degree of ambivalence between the organisational structure of the EU and the interests of individual member states.Show less
Trilemma of the World Economy was introduced by Dani Rodrik in order to explain conflicting nature of the existing democratic consensus between the populous and the state in the highly integrated...Show moreTrilemma of the World Economy was introduced by Dani Rodrik in order to explain conflicting nature of the existing democratic consensus between the populous and the state in the highly integrated economic environments such as the European Union. The same theoretical outlook was applied into analysis of Central and Eastern European States socioeconomic conditions amidst accession into Eurozone to showcase how European Monetary Integration works against CEE states ability to 'catch up' with the West. Qualitative Comparative Analysis will explain to what extent the knowledge of the above mentioned pattern discouraged Poland and Hungary to join the EMU.Show less
This thesis will underline the ongoing changes in European Foreign Policy in the context of digital diplomacy (ranging from cyber diplomacy to techplomacy) and will provide options for further...Show moreThis thesis will underline the ongoing changes in European Foreign Policy in the context of digital diplomacy (ranging from cyber diplomacy to techplomacy) and will provide options for further cooperation with technological companies from Silicon Valley, often referred to as Big Tech. First, I will argue that there is currently a diplomatic deficit created by the lack of diplomatic interaction between traditional actors and the new powerful non-state actors that are Big Tech. Second, I will observe the current means, objectives and actions the EU is deploying to interact with these companies and analyse the benefits and effectiveness of its strategy. Finally, I will provide recommendations, based on currently existing models of representation and means of communication between state and non-state actors, to improve the EU’s reach and influence in Silicon ValleyShow less
After the 2008 – 2009 food crisis, an academic debate emerged surrounding the question if financial speculation on foodstuffs (FSF) can affect the spot prices of food. This thesis consists of a...Show moreAfter the 2008 – 2009 food crisis, an academic debate emerged surrounding the question if financial speculation on foodstuffs (FSF) can affect the spot prices of food. This thesis consists of a critical interpretive synthesis of the academic literature on FSF. It analyses studies which have been instrumental in shaping the debate surrounding FSF according positionality theory guidelines in a meta-data analysis. The results of the meta-data analysis are then compared in a refutational synthesis, which concludes that the scholars which claim that FSF can affect food prices presented the more compelling argumentation according to positionality theory.Show less
At the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the...Show moreAt the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the light of a forecasted unsustainable (according to the European Commission) rise in the country’s budgetary deficit. Italy has so far been relatively used to politically challenging the European Commission when it comes to its choices in the field of macroeconomic policy. Nevertheless, the ease and the degree with which Neoliberalism (here meant as a Washington Consensus-based disciplinary ideology aiming at limiting the degree of politicization of the economic realm and the choices of states when it comes to their macroeconomic policies ) remains dominant at the EU level poses a question: Is the European Union inherently neoliberal or demand-led growth models are still possible? The reasons why finding an answer to this question is in our interest is grounded in the proliferation of radical political responses in several European countries (including Italy, Greece and - to a lesser degree - France) partly coming as a consequence of their stagnating (whilst not declining) economies. On one hand the European Union’s economy in the last few years has been keeping up to its self-set standards, on the other hand some countries appear to be far from catching up with the top-performers despite having structurally adjusted their economies to the taste of the neoliberal narrative. More importantly, the implementation of neoliberal policies has mostly been done at the expense of the existing welfare states, organized labor and national economic independence. Although the aforementioned growth of populist parties has yet to translate into those states actually taking real steps towards exiting the EU, the macroeconomic powerlessness of these countries seems doomed to persist, and so does the growth of radical parties and/or ideas. In this thesis I am going to argue that the EU is not an inherently neoliberal project of economic integration but it will be argued that the European political economy under the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) entails a clear neoliberal bias which prevents the EU and its member states from pursuing alternative paths. Furthermore, it will be argued that as it is currently structured, the EMU constitutes an hinderance to growth and employment in the continent as it systematically prevents the formation of adequate levels of aggregate demand.Show less
This thesis examines China’s economic reform since early 1979 and the sustainability of the economic growth it has produced. 40 years ago, the Communist Party of China (CPC) initiated economic...Show moreThis thesis examines China’s economic reform since early 1979 and the sustainability of the economic growth it has produced. 40 years ago, the Communist Party of China (CPC) initiated economic reforms. The reform took place in two phases. The objective of the first was to establish a dual-track economy, in which the institutions of the planned economy would come to coexist with forces and principles common to a market economy. The second phase aimed to implement a socialist market economy: the government would maintain its control over the macroeconomic environment, certain sectors and SOEs, but the market would be the coordinating mechanism. This thesis argues that during 40 years of reform, the economy has neither been generally planned and controlled, nor generally liberalised and open. Additionally, while this mixed economy has fuelled China’s spectacular economic growth, it has insufficiently changed the business environment and the role of the government in the economy, because of which concerns are now being raised over the durability and sustainability of China’s growth. This thesis finds that advancing economic growth depends on China’s ability to further reform the business environment and the role of the government but might prove difficult, as such economic policy changes require social and political reform.Show less
Under international law, states assume obligations to respect, protect, and to fulfil human rights (OHCHR). This thesis will demonstrate that the state can fail to carry out these tasks, and that...Show moreUnder international law, states assume obligations to respect, protect, and to fulfil human rights (OHCHR). This thesis will demonstrate that the state can fail to carry out these tasks, and that in these situations businesses can step up to enforce human rights, thus filling regulatory gaps. This topic will be approached by first providing a definition of CSR, and explaining the relevance of the concept. Following this, the thesis will discuss different eras in the history of state versus business power, proposing that there has been a shift from an era of extensive state power towards a relative erosion of state capacities, accompanied by an increase in the power of corporations. While it will be proposed that this erosion of state capacities has opened up new possibilities for companies to adopt political responsibilities (Schrempf-Stirling 2), the thesis will also seek to understand why companies would make use of these possibilities. In order to analyze firms’ motivations to expand their influence to the political sphere to promote human rights, the thesis will introduce a theoretical framework which will identify three different CSR theories. To examine the applicability of these theories, the thesis will perform three case studies in the context of the United States: 1) Open Carry, 2) Public Facilities Privacy & Security Act or the ‘House Bill 2’, also known as the ‘bathroom bill’, and 3) Executive Order 13769 or the so-called ‘Muslim ban’ or ‘travel ban’. Through these steps, the objective of the thesis is to determine 1) whether businesses have indeed expanded their capacities to the political realm in the context of human rights promotion, thus filling regulatory gaps as suggested by CSR scholarship, 2) how they have done so, and 3) what the underlying motivations behind companies’ CSR practices are. The findings are expected to support the twofold hypothesis that 1) businesses can become the key enforcers of human rights by expanding their power to the political arena, and 2) businesses have philanthropic and ethical responsibilities besides their economic responsibility of profit-maximization, which contribute to explaining their CSR activities.Show less
In general, the findings of this research help us to call into question any easy notion raised by the Little Divergence theory, that the economy of northwest Europe was increasingly ‘better’ or ...Show moreIn general, the findings of this research help us to call into question any easy notion raised by the Little Divergence theory, that the economy of northwest Europe was increasingly ‘better’ or ‘more efficient’ than that of much of the rest of Europe from the medieval period through the early modern period. The over-reliance on wages, that the Little Divergence theory has heretofore done, should be called into question, and other indicators should be provided in order to create a more nuanced picture of what was actually occurring. Additional evidence will show that the Little Divergence was not as pronounced as is currently believed. More specifically, although differences in government types increased and considerable levels of direct integration between very distant states across Europe have not been proven, findings suggest that countries throughout Europe from the seventeenth century onwards were learning how to create effective public debt systems of which interest rates suggest that they were not markedly different from those that are supposed to be the most sophisticated European economies (i.e. the Netherlands and England). This means that they were effectively adopting the most sophisticated financial models available to their own local situations. This resulted in a convergence of financial practices that helped to integrate the economies of Europe, at a time when the Little Divergence is supposed to have been separating them. This paper’s general finding is that interest rates suggest that, in some ways, the early modern period experienced a ‘Little Convergence’ rather than a ‘Little Divergence.’ It will show that the common notion of northwest European countries being economically more successful than the rest of the continent needs considerable nuance.Show less
