This thesis describes the deductive research concerning the role of stakeholders in the policy process of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP). It aims to answer the following research question: what...Show moreThis thesis describes the deductive research concerning the role of stakeholders in the policy process of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP). It aims to answer the following research question: what is the role of stakeholders in the policy failures regarding the sustainability of the Common Fisheries Policy? To that end, interviews and a document analysis are completed. The case of the 2013 CFP reform is chosen because it is innovative in the contribution of stakeholders. The growing participation of environmental NGOs led to the adoption of new environmental measures such as Maximum Sustainable Yield and the landing obligation (Orach et al., 2017). Hence, the 2013 CFP should have led to a sustainable management of fisheries. However, in reality the CFP has not been able to achieve the results it set out to do. In spite of progress in the Atlantic seas, the CFP has not prevented overfishing of stocks in the Mediterranean and Black Sea (COM, 2018). For this reason this thesis treats the CFP as policy failure. In order to explain policy failure, the mechanistic approach is used. When the policy process is regarded as a system of mechanisms, it becomes possible to identify causal relations (Van der Heijden, 2021). Within this approach, first-order mechanisms directly alter stakeholder behaviour during the decision making process. In a second-order mechanism, the effects of this behaviour achieve a particular policy outcome (Capano, 2020). Specifically, certain first-order mechanisms such as competition and blame avoidance behaviour are connected to certain second-order mechanisms, negative framing and countermobilization, resulting in a negative feedback loop, thus failure (Compton & ‘t Hart, 2019). However, it turns out to be difficult to fit the mechanisms at work in the CFP policy process in one feedback loop. Mechanisms from different feedback loops occur at the same time, rendering it impractical to find a straightforward cause of policy failure. Moreover, in reality the difference between first and second-order mechanisms is ambiguous. Therefore, it is concluded the mechanistic approach has limited explanatory value concerning the role of stakeholders in a policy failure. Nevertheless, it is indicated the behaviour of stakeholders during the policy process impacts their evaluation of policy. In this case, the environmental NGOs displayed willingness to reform, whereas the fisheries representatives were more reluctant. Environmental NGOs consider the CFP failed because the implementation is deficient and compliance is low, although the policy itself is sufficient. On the contrary, fisheries representatives explain the fault is in the policy design. That is why it is argued reluctance corresponds with policy failure and willingness with programmatic failure. Second, stakeholders engage in image building. Throughout the process, actors create perceptions about each other, which clash with their own perspectives. The divergent expectations limit the capacity to collaborate because actors feel they can never live up to expectations. As this impacts compliance negatively, this might be another reason why the CFP has not succeeded.Show less
This research has analysed the decentralised national mechanisms of EU policy coordination of both Germany and the Netherlands between the years 2000-2021, and to what extent these mechanisms have...Show moreThis research has analysed the decentralised national mechanisms of EU policy coordination of both Germany and the Netherlands between the years 2000-2021, and to what extent these mechanisms have changed over time. By employing a deductive positive explanatory research design including a qualitative comparative case-study design method, the research has found that over the period of two decades, both the German and Dutch mechanism have only experienced low levels of change, and the fundamental and individual characteristics of both decentralised systems of EU policy coordination have remained unchanged. These findings support the assumptions of the research as formulated in H1 in accordance with the arguments of Historical Institutionalism and path dependency. The thesis proposes that further research is needed in order to create a more up-to-date comprehensive framework in categorising centralised vs decentralised EU policy coordination mechanisms and their essential characteristics, and the degree of change that these mechanisms might experience over time.Show less
The object of this research is to find out what can positively influence the gender mainstreaming performance of European Parliament Committees through the comparison of two very similar Committees...Show moreThe object of this research is to find out what can positively influence the gender mainstreaming performance of European Parliament Committees through the comparison of two very similar Committees: The Committee on Budgets and the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. Various possible main explanatory variables are analysed following a Most Similar System Design II. The Committee on Budgets and the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs are considered similar because of the political affiliation of their members and their character of economic Committees. The analysis of the Committees’ membership, a keyword-in-context analysis of the Commission’s legislative proposals to the two Committees considered, and interviews with MEPs and Assistants made it possible to provide answers to the hypotheses formulated through a careful review of previous literature and theories. The role of the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality and the integration of gender-related issues in the EU Commission’s legislative proposals are found to represent a significant a major influence on the Committees’ gender mainstreaming implementation. As a result of this research, two policies are suggested, namely the introduction of gender quotas of 50% in the European Parliament and more detailed gender mainstreaming step-by-step guidelines for EP Committees. These policy changes are expected to guarantee an improvement in gender mainstreaming strategies and to reach gender equality at the EU level.Show less
This thesis looks at the effects politicization has on the voting behaviour of the Council of the European Union since the migration crisis of 2015. Three different levels of the chain of...Show moreThis thesis looks at the effects politicization has on the voting behaviour of the Council of the European Union since the migration crisis of 2015. Three different levels of the chain of delegation are investigated: the popular level, the domestic political-party level and the Council level. The analysis is based on different datasets from 2010 until 2019. In the analysis, it becomes clear that it is unable to conclude from the data whether Euroscepticism has increased among EU citizens. Furthermore, within political parties, dissent has, in general, not increased and the position on European integration has not become more Eurosceptic. This thesis confirms that within the Council’s voting behaviour, dissent has increased. Nonetheless, according to their voting behaviour, consensus within the Council remains the norm. The future might be fragile and might show more Eurosceptic parties entering the Council and projecting their dissent towards European integration.Show less
ABSTRACT This study will examine to what extent possible democratic backsliding in Croatia is occurring. Comparisons are drawn between the widely covered democratic backsliding in Hungary and the...Show moreABSTRACT This study will examine to what extent possible democratic backsliding in Croatia is occurring. Comparisons are drawn between the widely covered democratic backsliding in Hungary and the possible democratic backsliding in Croatia. To operationalize democracy and its backlash a theory first coined by Levitsky and Way will be used, Competitive Authoritarianism. The study will assess how Croatia scores on the different indicators that CA is composed of. One of the key findings of this study is that in both countries an electoral system exists with unbalanced constituencies, which can substantially influence election results. Another similarity that can be drawn on the basis of this study is of the politicized media authorities. The institutions that should be ensuring independence of the media are heavily politicized themselves, thus not independent. As far as lawsuits against journalists on the basis of libel and defamation the situation in both countries is problematic and raising concerns. Lawsuits against journalists are not often initiated by politicians and public figures, this leads to self-censorship of the media. Where claims about disadvantaging critical media financially can be made for the case of Hungary, for Croatia no strong evidence exist this is occurring. The main finding of the study is that the trends emerging within Hungary in regard to democratic backsliding only partially manifest themselves in Croatian society since EU accession. Due to the emerging characteristics of a CA regime the status of democracy in Croatia must be further examined.Show less
Development cooperation has grown ever more important in recent years as it has become increasingly tied to domestic political preferences. It is sometimes seen as a tool to accomplish objectives...Show moreDevelopment cooperation has grown ever more important in recent years as it has become increasingly tied to domestic political preferences. It is sometimes seen as a tool to accomplish objectives tied to the latter. To be sure, that notion is applicable to the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTFA), born in the wake of the 2015 migrant crisis out of a desire to severely limit migration to the EU. Although it was created as an emergency fund, its scope and organisational design do not reflect this label and have ever outgrown it, until the merging of the EUTFA in the European Commission’s new ‘Global Europe’ instrument in 2021. This paper analyses 8 EUTFA programmes along a frame of public administration theory and various relevant literature. In concert with EUFTA reports it answers multiple questions aimed at understanding the influence of organisational design on development cooperation, specifically in the complex environment of a politically laden fund. Do domestic policies take precedence over aiding countries in the European Neighbourhood?Show less
This paper addresses the effect of EU identity on EU citizens’ support for integrative EU policy. Based on the social identity approach it is hypothesized that positive relationship between these...Show moreThis paper addresses the effect of EU identity on EU citizens’ support for integrative EU policy. Based on the social identity approach it is hypothesized that positive relationship between these variables exists. Additionally the study attempts to replicate the findings of Carey (2002) that national identity strength impairs support for EU integration. Quantitative deductive research is conducted using Eurobarometer (2022) data. The models control for levels of income and education, political beliefs, and trust in national government. Results from seven binary logistic regressions and two multiple linear regressions show significant effects of EU identity on support for integrative EU policy and indicate that EU identity is a valuable addition to more established theories of support for EU integration. Furthermore, this study contradicts the findings of Carey (2002) that national identity strength hampers EU support.Show less
