Latin America’s drug trafficking has been a number one priority for the United States (US) and Latin American countries. War on drugs has begun in 1980s and up to now has no end date. The US has...Show moreLatin America’s drug trafficking has been a number one priority for the United States (US) and Latin American countries. War on drugs has begun in 1980s and up to now has no end date. The US has united with Colombia for Plan Colombia (1999) to battle the drug trafficking, and then consolidated with Mexico to implement Merida Initiative to battle the Drug Trafficking organizations (narco-cartels). The US administration believed if it implemented Plan Colombia into the Merida Initiative, it would yield the same successful outcomes. It is debatable whether Plan Colombia was successful or not, since the fragmentation of cartels within Colombia has made them untraceable, and raw material cultivation has been moved to other countries such as Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia. It is important to note that drug trafficking organizations depending on country, size and structure. Therefore, it is impossible for anti-drug enforcements to implemented initiatives without alterations in different settings and be expected to reach the same goals. Organized crime and drug trafficking organizations in Mexico have become considerably malicious, which was the reason for the conference between President Calderon of Mexico and US administration in 2006 for the implementation of Merida Initiative, aimed at putting an end to trafficking and organized crime. The war on drugs was militarized through the training of Mexican soldiers in the US and funded by the US and other countries. The effects of such anti-drug law enforcement plans were disappointing, to say the least, as it did not go as planned. This has led to increasing violence, fragmentation of drug cartels and unprecedented levels of police corruption. Therefore, this thesis examines the efficiency of Plan Colombia, as well as alternative explanations to its failure. These include economic and cultural causes leading to stability of drug supply from Mexico to match the rising demand of drugs in the US.Show less
The thesis examines the successes and limitations of Evo Morales's alternative model of development called "Vivir Bien" and how the need for alternative development arose in the first place....Show moreThe thesis examines the successes and limitations of Evo Morales's alternative model of development called "Vivir Bien" and how the need for alternative development arose in the first place. Therefore, it expounds the country's trajectory towards dependence on the export of primary resources and the deteriorating effects that development models conceived in the global North and applied in the global South, particularly in Bolivia, had. Evo Morales assumed presidency in 2006 with the promise of overcoming the primary-resource-exports dependency and centering development around local needs, stressing indigenous knowledge and a communitarian lifestyle. His proposal is formulated in the so-called Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, which was issued in 2007. In order to overcome extractivism and raw materials exports, however, the Morales administration suggests to utilize the very extractivism to generate the capital needed to industrialize the extractive sectors and to later diversify the economy. However, the industrialization levels have not increased, and neither has the economy shown notable signs of diversification, on the contrary. As extractivism is a self-reinforcing activity, it does not weaken ties of dependency, does not improve the extracting country's position in the world economy or promote autonomy in the global capitalist system. Further on, extractivism under Morales has led to clashes with the population that Evo Morales supposedly caters to in particular - the indigenous and peasant communities. Therefore, extractivism is not suited to drive alternative development because it contradicts too strongly with a goal of development that takes into account local needs. In fact, it reinforces ties of dependency to the capitalist center and neglects the aspect of citizen participation in political processes.Show less
Mexico's political history can be defined as relatively turbulent. The hegemonic rule of the dominant PRI party, has influenced Mexico by the distrustful attitude Mexicans continue to have against...Show moreMexico's political history can be defined as relatively turbulent. The hegemonic rule of the dominant PRI party, has influenced Mexico by the distrustful attitude Mexicans continue to have against the political party system. A crisis of political legitimacy and distrust prove to play a large role in the continuing discontent and the emergence of several social movements in Mexico. With the return of the PRI in 2012, one specific movement stood out to mobilize against president Peña Nieto, the #YoSoy132 movement. A lack of faith in the dominant PRI were based upon distrust in institutions, an unstable political system and many fraud allegations. This thesis examines the link between distrust and political legitimacy, and how these notions are connected to the emergence of the #YoSoy132 movement.Show less
In the pluricultural states of Ecuador and Bolivia, indigenous women suffer a notably higher maternal mortality rate than non-indigenous women. Several barriers impede indigenous women from...Show moreIn the pluricultural states of Ecuador and Bolivia, indigenous women suffer a notably higher maternal mortality rate than non-indigenous women. Several barriers impede indigenous women from accessing high-quality care, and cultural barriers hinder them from receiving culturally sensitive care. With the introduction of new universal social policies of intercultural healthcare, Ecuador and Bolivia attempt to provide a complementary healthcare system of traditional and western medicine, with one of its focus on maternal healthcare. With a quantitative and qualitative approach, this research explores that the implementation of intercultural healthcare can improve the health status of indigenous women.Show less
Latin America saw a substantial increase in the number of fatalities in environmental activism in 2017; the region considered the most dangerous place in the world for being an environmental...Show moreLatin America saw a substantial increase in the number of fatalities in environmental activism in 2017; the region considered the most dangerous place in the world for being an environmental defender. Nevertheless, there has been observed a significant increase in female involvement in environmentalism in the last few decades, with the emergence of women at the frontlines of environmental struggle. As the activists are female, the acts of violence exerted against them have often been of a gendered nature, underlining the complex vulnerability the activists are surrounded by in already dangerous circumstances. The thesis aims to identify factors reinforcing vulnerability in female participants of environmental activism, in order to establish a substantiated understanding of how the factors intersect and contribute to the vulnerable position of female environmental activists in contemporary Latin America.Show less
Through case study research centered on women as the subject, this thesis illustrates the complex questions arising between forced migration, state failure, criminal organizations, and gender-based...Show moreThrough case study research centered on women as the subject, this thesis illustrates the complex questions arising between forced migration, state failure, criminal organizations, and gender-based violence, aiming at providing an insight into the dynamics of female mobility through a gendered security analysis method. The research is focused on the two main perpetrators of violence against women, the state and the organized crime, which mutually activate each other, creating a complex landscape of analysis. Both socio-economic conditions, as well as the state of violence, are analyzed in order to draw a conclusion on the underlying aspects of female mobility from the region. The women are analyzed as independent females in NTCA societies as well as within their role as mothers.Show less
The objective of this bachelor thesis was to explore how media affects and contributes to the process of democratization. The research described in this paper set to investigate the Mexican media...Show moreThe objective of this bachelor thesis was to explore how media affects and contributes to the process of democratization. The research described in this paper set to investigate the Mexican media and analyze how the Telecommunications and Broadcasting Law of 2013 has affected the media in the framework of media pluralism. Specifically, it focused on the socio-political dichotomies between commercial and independent community media. In the quest to explore this topic, this paper first analyzed the state-of-the-art literature on media pluralism and its importance to media structures. Next, it reflected on the realities of the political and media landscape in Mexico and studied the media reforms that historically have been unfavorable towards promoting media pluralism and continue to alienate all other media outlets by favoring the big media moguls.Show less
China has established an interconnected bond with Latin American ans Caribbean states, with a strong presence in macroeconomic policies and funding infrastructure. A partnership that goes beyond...Show moreChina has established an interconnected bond with Latin American ans Caribbean states, with a strong presence in macroeconomic policies and funding infrastructure. A partnership that goes beyond economic transactions, is the relationship with China and Latin America. Brazil being a large state, membership of the BRICS and having international exposure with the Global South and the Global; has offered them to be the perfect target for geopolitical strategy. By this China has taken advantage of this distinctive feature, as they slowly form a new Global hierarchy during the Pink Tide.Show less
While development literature generally understands NGOs as main catalysts for bottom-up and cost-effective development projects, feminist critiques of women’s NGOs generally argue that they...Show moreWhile development literature generally understands NGOs as main catalysts for bottom-up and cost-effective development projects, feminist critiques of women’s NGOs generally argue that they undermine the quest of social movements for a new social order as well as the very foundations of feminism. Critical feminist scholars believe that feminism has been mainstreamed into development agendas and therefore ‘NGOized’ (Jenkins 2011, Roy 2011, Pearce 2010). The term ‘NGOization’ which is commonly understood as the depoliticization, professionalization and institutionalization of movements for social change (Kamat 2004, Hemment 2007) has been widely discussed in recent critical development literature. A point largely dismissed by critical feminist scholars analyzing the severe implications for feminist movements is the need for relativization and contextualization. This thesis contributes to filling a gap in the academic literature by discussing the relevance of a feminist critique of the process of institutionalization and professionalization of feminism and women’s grassroots movements, while at the same time exploring the extent to which the concept of ‘NGOization’ only provides a partial understanding of the realities lived by feminist activists and women at the grass-roots and at the NGO level alike. In other words, this dissertation stresses the need to move beyond a one-sided understanding of the ‘NGOization’ concept that overemphasizes the negative impacts and effects of these developments. In order to do so, this thesis argues that feminist NGOs are best understood when their hybrid nature is taken into account. Hybridity means that they expand their sphere of influence both at the grassroots levels and in the institutional sphere. As such, NGOs need to be understood as “spaces for the exercise of power, both liberatory and oppressive” (Costa 2014, 172). Therefore, the following research question is explored: What are the opportunities and limitations of transforming women’s movements into women’s NGOs in Peru?Show less
During the 20th century many Latin American countries successfully fulfilled the transition to democracy process. Both Chile and Argentina democratised during the 20th century. However, the...Show moreDuring the 20th century many Latin American countries successfully fulfilled the transition to democracy process. Both Chile and Argentina democratised during the 20th century. However, the democracies that developed after the process differed. In Chile, Pinochet executed a lot of control over the transition to democracy, whereas in Argentina, Videla only slightly influenced the transition to democracy. In both countries a successful democracy was established with a different basis. Thus, the role of the dictator during the transition to democracy process is not clear-cut, and the development of democracy depends on many different factors, which are not always controllable.Show less
Following mass demonstrations in Brazil for the impeachement of Dilma Rousseff and the increasing relevance of local city governments in global politics this paper examines and analyses the...Show moreFollowing mass demonstrations in Brazil for the impeachement of Dilma Rousseff and the increasing relevance of local city governments in global politics this paper examines and analyses the possible effects of 'glocal' governing on the Brazilian population. This paper takes the city government and population of São Paulo as Case Study.Show less
Throughout the 20th century the region of Latin America has been widely influenced by external actors such as the United States or international organizations, like the IMF or the World Bank. The...Show moreThroughout the 20th century the region of Latin America has been widely influenced by external actors such as the United States or international organizations, like the IMF or the World Bank. The influences of those actors gave rise to “dependency theory”, which highlights the inequalities between more powerful actors of the so-called “center” of the world and those of the “periphery”. As a response, Latin American countries have engaged in different attempts to decrease the influence of those external actors, while increasing their own. In the early 2000s, due to changes in its foreign policy, the focus of the United States on Latin America has decreased. The risen gap has allowed the recently grown superpower China to focus on the region. Consequently, the East-Asian country has become the first or second biggest trade partner for states like Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Mexico or Venezuela. Next to the risen trade other bilateral relations, such as investments, combined attempts of development and political relations, have increased. While there are several apparent benefits for both sides, criticism has been voiced regarding a new version of dependency on China replacing that towards the United States. However, such criticism has mainly focused on assessing the international relations between China as a state and Latin America as an entire region. Therefore, by addressing the rising dependency, this paper will show that, in regard to Sino-Latin American relations, the region of Latin America cannot be analyzed as a whole but has to be divided into its nation states. By comparing the two case studies Chile and Venezuela and their respective relations with China the varying levels of dependency between China and different Latin American states will be portrayed.Show less
