Dit onderzoek gaat over de rol van nationalisme in het poolgebied. Centraal staan de Britse en Noorse poolexpedities aan het begin van de twintigste eeuw.
The demand for an independent Scotland originated in the late nineteenth century, alongside the growth of the Irish home rule movement. Both Scotland and Ireland, close in distance and culture, saw...Show moreThe demand for an independent Scotland originated in the late nineteenth century, alongside the growth of the Irish home rule movement. Both Scotland and Ireland, close in distance and culture, saw the rise of nationalism and with it a desire to break away from the Union at the same time. Eventually, Irish independence was established after a devastating war at the beginning of the interwar period, but how did the Scottish home rule movement relate to this change? Did they use the Irish situation as an example for Scotland and therefore a warning for the United Kingdom? Or was it considered a ‘how-not-to’ case by the Scottish politicians? This thesis looks at the influence of Ireland on the argumentation used in debates about Scottish home rule in the interwar period (1918-1939) by analysing British parliamentary debates.Show less
In deze scriptie is er onderzoek gedaan naar de vraag in hoeverre terrorisme effectief in het geval van de Provisional Irish Republican Army, door te analyseren of de republikeinse beweging erin...Show moreIn deze scriptie is er onderzoek gedaan naar de vraag in hoeverre terrorisme effectief in het geval van de Provisional Irish Republican Army, door te analyseren of de republikeinse beweging erin slaagde om haar strategische, tactische en organisatorische doelen tijdens het Noord-Ierse conflict (1969- 1998) te behalenShow less
Hemofilie was een bloedziekte die voorkwam in verschillende Europese vorstenhuizen aan het einde van de negentiende eeuw. Drie van deze vorstenhuizen kwamen kort na de introductie van hemofilie ten...Show moreHemofilie was een bloedziekte die voorkwam in verschillende Europese vorstenhuizen aan het einde van de negentiende eeuw. Drie van deze vorstenhuizen kwamen kort na de introductie van hemofilie ten val. In deze scriptie wordt onderzocht of hemofilie de oorzaak is van de val van deze vorstenhuizen.Show less
Een onderzoek naar de verandering in de beeldvorming over Schotten onder de Engelse elite en middenklasse tussen de jakobitische opstand van 1745 en het bezoek van George IV aan Schotland in 1822.
On 30 January 1972 the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) organised a peaceful, yet illegal march in Derry, Northern-Ireland. This march was one of a series of marches NICRA had...Show moreOn 30 January 1972 the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) organised a peaceful, yet illegal march in Derry, Northern-Ireland. This march was one of a series of marches NICRA had organised in January 1972 to protest against interment. During the march in Derry, the British Army opened fire on the demonstrators, which led to the death of thirteen civilians. Fifteen other civilians were wounded, one of whom died a few months later due to his wounds. This day is more commonly known as ‘Bloody Sunday’. Two days later, the British government announced that an inquiry would be established under the Tribunals of Inquiry Act 1921 to investigate what had happened in Derry, and more importantly, why it happened. An inquiry is set up ‘where is has been resolved by both Houses of Parliament that it is expedient that a tribunal be established for inquiring into a definite matter described in the Resolution as of urgent public importance’. The report, led by Lord Chief Justice Widgery and therefore known as the Widgery Report, was published within eleven weeks, on 19 April. It concluded that ‘there is no reason to suppose that the soldiers would have opened fire if they had not been fired upon first’. About the victims, both deceased and wounded, Widgery concluded that although none of them were proved to have been armed when they were shot, there was a ‘strong suspicion that some [of the victims] had been firing weapons or handling bombs in the course of the afternoon and that yet others had been closely supporting them’. Not everyone agreed with this ‘official’ account of the events of 30 January. Some opponents to the findings have been re-enacting the Bloody Sunday march annually since 1973 in order to both show their disapproval of the Widgery Report, and to keep the memory of the victims alive. After twenty-five years of commemorating Bloody Sunday, and six years after a justice campaign for the victims had started, the then-British Prime Minister Tony Blair agreed to a new inquiry in 1998. This inquiry, known as the Saville Inquiry, was published in June 2010, twelve years after it had been set up. Contrary to the conclusions of the Widgery Report, the Saville Report concluded that it was the British Army, and not the Irish Republican Army (IRA) or the demonstrators, had fired the first shot, that the actions of the army were unjustifiable, and that the victims of the gunfire had been innocent. This paper looks at the annual Bloody Sunday commemorations from 1973 to 2013 in Derry to see what the effect of the public inquiries of 1972 and 1998 was on the perception of what happened at Bloody Sunday.Show less
ABSTRACT-This thesis deals with one of the most important and violent revolutionary movements in the recent history of Latin America, and the only Maoist movement there to achieve a degree of...Show moreABSTRACT-This thesis deals with one of the most important and violent revolutionary movements in the recent history of Latin America, and the only Maoist movement there to achieve a degree of success: Sendero Luminoso. It attempts to trace and explain the contradictory theoretical and ideological claims made by Sendero Luminoso. The movement initiated its struggle in May 1980, but little attention was given by the State to its activities, and for years it remained severely underestimated and considered irrelevant. The movement’s seemingly innocuous beginning in many ways represented the paradox inherent in Sendero’s rise to becoming one of the largest and most violent guerrilla movements in contemporary Latin America, in which the Peruvian state was at the verge of collapse in the late 1980s. However, it did not succeed in its utopian goal of overthrowing the Peruvian bourgeoisie government and establishing a communist state. This thesis argues that this has been due to several major contradictions in Sendero Luminoso’s ideology and strategy. This research focuses on three inconsistencies, related to Sendero Luminoso’s discrepancy between theory and practice. First of all, Sendero claimed it embodied a distinctively Peruvian Marxism, while in practice it lacked a proper understanding of the society, and neglected several Peruvian characteristics that were crucial to making the revolution successful – it overlooked the ethnic divisions in Peruvian society and underestimated the social change that had made Peru predominantly an urban and not a rural society. Hence it based its Maoist ideology and strategy on a wrong assessment of the Peruvian society. Secondly, Sendero claimed that it initiated the struggle ‘for the people’, while in fact the most marginalized people of the society became the main victims of the war that was waged in their name. Thus, regardless of its grandiose claims, for most Peruvians Sendero Luminoso proved to be a deadly paradox: it aims were unrealistic and its analysis of society badly flawed, yet it still proved to be an effective revolutionary movement capable of threatening the very existence of the state. Lastly, in theory, Sendero desired a utopian New State with a classless society. Yet, in practice, the movement was extremely hierarchical, and the means to reach its goal were not classless at all. Its internal organization replicated the colonial stratification of society, in which a privileged white elitist intellectual commanded and ‘guided’ a mass of darker-skinned youth of humble origin, hence going against the grain of its principal goal that was aimed at breaking creole power. This thesis will place the conflict in a longer national history of racism and the marginalization of rural society that contributed both to the cause and consequence of this violent episode in Peruvian history. This research draws on several primary Peruvian sources and seeks to make a contribution to literature focusing on Sendero Luminoso. Its analysis stands apart from other work published so far, combining as it does both a historical and political approach to the conflict and mainly focuses on the crucial contradictions of the organization. Therefore, it contributes towards understanding the context surrounding the initial paradoxical success and the later defeat of Sendero Luminoso and, I hope, will be seen as a contribution to the debate on this remarkable revolutionary movement.Show less
