Anti-colonial studies of Moroccan nationalism in general, and Istiqlal (Independence) Party in particular, have privileged a macro-level of analysis, discarding the socio-political processes of...Show moreAnti-colonial studies of Moroccan nationalism in general, and Istiqlal (Independence) Party in particular, have privileged a macro-level of analysis, discarding the socio-political processes of local actors. This bachelor’s thesis approaches the emergence of Moroccan nationalism, namely under the Istiqlal Party, by emphasising its impact on the socio-political identity of Berbers and their fusion into a larger national context between 1930 and 1970. By doing extensive literature study and examining primary sources–such as the 1962 and 1970 Moroccan Constitutions, and ethnographic works on the Berbers–this thesis allows for a better understanding of the relationship between Istiqlal’s Moroccan nationalism and Berbers.Show less
This thesis seeks to showconsiders how oil, as one of the key factors, did drivedrove the foreign policy of Iran in certain ways during the presidency of Ahmadinejad. It examines the role of oil as...Show moreThis thesis seeks to showconsiders how oil, as one of the key factors, did drivedrove the foreign policy of Iran in certain ways during the presidency of Ahmadinejad. It examines the role of oil as a source of government power and shows how it is playing a strategic role in Iran’s relations with other countries.Show less
Morocco and the European Union (EU) have a longstanding relationship. Since its independence, Morocco has signed several treaties and agreements with the EU. When the European neighbourhood policy ...Show moreMorocco and the European Union (EU) have a longstanding relationship. Since its independence, Morocco has signed several treaties and agreements with the EU. When the European neighbourhood policy (ENP) came into force in 2004, the Kingdom gradually became a privileged partner of the EU in various fields. Within the policy, Morocco is nowadays known to be the largest recipient of European Union funds. Thereby, the ENP is often portrayed as an EU tool of democracy and human rights promotion. Yet, major events during the last couple of years in the EU’s neighborhood -the Arab spring and Ukraine crisis- have made the European Union to re-evaluate the policy. Herein, Morocco, a country often displayed by the EU as a successful example of ENP, proves to be an interesting case. The aim of this thesis is to analyse how the EU, through the ENP, has contributed to the development of Morocco’s human rights situation since 2004-present-on.Show less
This thesis uses the theoretical lenses of neo- gramscian 'hegemony' and World System theory as described by Wallenstein to provide explanations as to why the CIA has intervened in the opium trade...Show moreThis thesis uses the theoretical lenses of neo- gramscian 'hegemony' and World System theory as described by Wallenstein to provide explanations as to why the CIA has intervened in the opium trade in Afghanistan since 1979, while the rhetoric of the US leaders was based upon a 'war on drugs'. If further investigates, through a case- study of the Badakshan Province, the changes in the political and economical structures and the societal changes brought around by the existence of the opium trade.Show less
This thesis analyzes the ideological and political dynamics behind the intention of reversing the Family Planning Law in Iran (implemented in 1993)during the Ahmadinejad's administration(2005-2013)...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the ideological and political dynamics behind the intention of reversing the Family Planning Law in Iran (implemented in 1993)during the Ahmadinejad's administration(2005-2013). I argue that the pronatalist line of thinking of the last decade was due to the worsening of the Iran's economic conditions and to the worsening of the international relations with the United States and Europe.Show less
In a public Congressional Hearing in 2013, Farea al-Muslimi, a Yemeni activist, testified to the horrors of the drone strikes conducted by the US in Yemen. Yet the story of death and destruction...Show moreIn a public Congressional Hearing in 2013, Farea al-Muslimi, a Yemeni activist, testified to the horrors of the drone strikes conducted by the US in Yemen. Yet the story of death and destruction that he presented was vastly different from the sterilized images created by the Obama administration’s officials. By analysing the rhetoric of drones in political speeches and the reasons for choosing drones as the “weapon of choice”, this thesis identifies how the rhetoric and use of drone warfare has sanitized the “War on Terror” in Yemen and the effects and implications of this.Show less
A thesis presented on the reinforcing effects of gender stereotyping during military missions by the Israeli Defense Forces. Acts of selected gender inequality in the army still exist in spite of...Show moreA thesis presented on the reinforcing effects of gender stereotyping during military missions by the Israeli Defense Forces. Acts of selected gender inequality in the army still exist in spite of legal amendments made to the National Service Law. This unequal treatment stems from specific gender roles attributed to women and men, and a masculine point of view in the military. The presented case studies illustrate continuity and intensification of gender inequality during war operations in Lebanon, West Bank and The Gaza Strip. Thus, the recent formation of a new co-ed combat unit will not have a significant impact on women’s emancipation in the Israeli army. Future work on gender inequality might include the implications of gender inequality in the army on the Israel-Palestine conflict, including its impact on the peace process and the role of women could play in this process.Show less
In the context of the current 2011 uprising across the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region, the Syrian conflict is the only one that has been described by different media, academic analysts and...Show moreIn the context of the current 2011 uprising across the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region, the Syrian conflict is the only one that has been described by different media, academic analysts and even some politicians as a sectarian struggle. This paper questions the accuracy of this assumption by raising doubts regarding the fair distribution of power and resources within Syria during the period of Bashar Al-assad’s rule, and suggesting that this may be the main reason behind the 2011 uprising. I study the reforms introduced in the year 2000 and later by Bashar Al-assad and argue that the 2011 struggle over power in Syria results not from sectarianism, but from different economic and political variables. The situation exploded in March 2011 in reaction to the limitations and restrictions on the economic and constitutional reforms instituted during the time of Bashar’s rule from late 2000 up to 2012.Show less
