The development cooperation landscape is changing, with more actors and new approaches coming to the fore. However, less is sometimes more: there seems to be a clear division between the principles...Show moreThe development cooperation landscape is changing, with more actors and new approaches coming to the fore. However, less is sometimes more: there seems to be a clear division between the principles and methods of traditional donors and non- traditional donors, also known as South-South Cooperation (SSC) partners. Whilst traditional donors are claimed to reproduce inequality and dependency in recipient states through their policies, SSC partners are believed to show solidarity with these states through horizontal partnerships. In order to discover the accuracy of these statements, this thesis will examine the relations between traditional donors, SSC partners and recipient states from a postcolonial perspective. The thesis will focus on the European Union (EU) as a traditional donor; Turkey as a South-South Cooperation partner; and Somalia as a recipient. The hypothesis that will be tested in this thesis is as follows: “Turkey is a more egalitarian development aid donor than the EU.” The thesis concludes that this hypothesis is correct. The EU is involved in Somalia to address its own interests, namely its security and migration concerns. Moreover, by using political conditionality, the EU imposes its values on Somalia by incentivizing aid. Turkey also seeks to benefit from engaging with Somalia. Its interests lie in its international status as well as its economy. However, Turkey has engaged with Somalia from a demands-driven approach, taking Somalia’s needs and considerations as the foundation for its policies. This makes them a more egalitarian partner than the EU.Show less
Throughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national...Show moreThroughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national particularities in policy design. However, in contrast to the recent enthusiasm by a variety of authors does this thesis argue that the increased attention to the role of institutions and politics in socio-economic development has merely been discursive. The here presented historical analysis of Malawi’s political economy since 1979 shows that there have been little actual changes to the Bank’s policies over the years, to the detriment of equitable socio-economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. A continued focus on neoclassical economic theory and a lack of attention to national political economy are largely to blame. This thesis holds that to improve socio-economic development, development in practice needs to be transformed by moving beyond overtly theoretical and technocratic approaches and recognizing the inherent political nature of economies, instead of viewing the socio-political order underlying market relationships as an isolated given.Show less
This research will add to the understanding of the conceptualization of piracy with the use of the failed state discourse. It aims to give a critical examination of the international counter piracy...Show moreThis research will add to the understanding of the conceptualization of piracy with the use of the failed state discourse. It aims to give a critical examination of the international counter piracy measures with a specific focus on the EU NAVFOR operation Atlanta. Studies suggest that there should be an agreed-on concept of piracy to effectively deter it. The various regulatory agencies have been advocating it; however, it seems that the member states all have their own ways of viewing and dealing with piracy which benefit their own interests. The failed state discourse by Englebert and Tull, explains that African states are often presumed to be failed and that they therefore, need assistance in the state reconstruction processes. Moreover, there is a flawed assumption that Western states have the capacity and the legitimacy to reconstruct the African states. By further investigating this notion, we find that the currently operating EU operation Atlanta displays a perfect example of the failed state discourse in their humanitarian foreign policy measures.Show less
If one attempts to understand colonialist thinking, a very fruitful approach can be found in the analysis of “colonial discourse”.2 As colonialism itself is connected to the “mentality” of the...Show moreIf one attempts to understand colonialist thinking, a very fruitful approach can be found in the analysis of “colonial discourse”.2 As colonialism itself is connected to the “mentality” of the colonizer, so must colonial violence be.3 As Kuss has noted, “The conduct by the German military of their colonial wars was affected by […] the domestic national discourse.”4 The genocide against the Herero and Nama of Namibia is certainly one of the darkest chapters of German history. Now, more than 100 years later, it is necessary to ask the right questions in order to avoid further harm and to address Germany’s colonial history and legacy in a meaningful way. In an attempt to do this, the analysis laid out in this paper aims at discussing the question “how were the Herero of Namibia constructed in German colonial discourse, 1900-1918?”, through an analysis of the discourse on the Herero found German colonial literature and anthropology. For this purpose, the works of Foucault, Said, and Kim are used throughout the paper. In the past, there was a long-standing “repression” of Germany’s colonial past and the country has only recently made an attempt at addressing its colonial heritage.5 As Schilling has argued, this development is vitally important since features of past discourses continue to influence the way Germany deals with its Others. An analysis of the colonial-era discourse on the Herero is therefore of practical value in the fight against structural injustices. Using two analytical frameworks, Said’s Orientalism and Kim’s borderlands, the paper supports the thesis that the discourse on the Herero in colonial Germany between 1900 and 1918 frames the Herero as the Orientalized and less-than-human Other.Show less
This paper investigates the question ‘How did sexual violence become a weapon of war during the 1994 conflict in Rwanda?’ It does so by analyzing ethnic and gender identities in Rwanda prior to...Show moreThis paper investigates the question ‘How did sexual violence become a weapon of war during the 1994 conflict in Rwanda?’ It does so by analyzing ethnic and gender identities in Rwanda prior to 1994. It delves into the manners in which media played a role in shaping narratives of identity which might have triggered an upsurge of sexually violent actions among the Rwandan population. Finally the paper will uncover the how the government exploited notions of identity in order to increase the incidence of rape during the genocide of 1994. Furthermore the paper revolves around the terminology of sexual violence as a weapon of war, aiming to uncover the significance of such terminology, while making use of it in the research.Show less
Narratives depicting women in war prominently represent women as vulnerable victims and rarely is female empowerment during war and post-war period brought to the fore. This thesis sheds light on...Show moreNarratives depicting women in war prominently represent women as vulnerable victims and rarely is female empowerment during war and post-war period brought to the fore. This thesis sheds light on how female empowerment is created in wartime and advocated in the post-war period. A common consensus among scholars is that women gain empowerment during times of war. According to scholars, the empowerment gained during war is lost in its aftermath. This thesis discusses female empowerment in Eritrea during the Eritrean War of Independence (1961-1991), and its effects on post-war Eritrean society. To answer the research question “How has female participation in the Eritrean War of Independence influenced the role of women in post-conflict Eritrean society?” this paper examines both quantitative and qualitative data to further the understanding of how concepts of patriarchy, social convention and empowerment paint a picture of Eritrean women’s lived reality. This paper argues that the ideology of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) failed to address women’s needs by erasing the feminine and repressing the domestic. The main struggle recognized in the research is the suppression of progressive self-confident former female fighters by the patriarchal beliefs of their families. While gender equality in the EPLF progressed over the course of the war, civil society was in a “frozen” state of emergency. Hence, when the war ended, civil society proceeded to revert to the traditional gender roles from the pre-war period.Show less
Abstract In 1991, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took control over the Ethiopian government after overthrowing the Marxist military and adopted the new system of...Show moreAbstract In 1991, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took control over the Ethiopian government after overthrowing the Marxist military and adopted the new system of ethnic federalism, thus restructuring the country along ethnic lines. This was achieved by re-organizing and dividing the country into nine separate federal states that are based solely on ethnicity. This shift was considered to be quite radical as Ethiopia remains the first country to have ever implemented federalism based on ethnicity. As such, this study intends to investigate whether the instatement of ethnic federalism can be considered successful in Ethiopia using the methodology of secondary data analysis, in light of the deteriorating political and humanitarian situation within the country. This study’s findings indicate that although the system of ethnic federalism has many positive elements in theory, it’s implementation within Ethiopia has failed due to the government’s deepening and reinforcing of ethnic differences, inequalities and human rights violations therein. Keywords: Ethiopia, Ethnicity, Ethnic Federalism, EPRDFShow less
Introduction There are many political and socio-economic developments that have shaped Somalia’s past and continues to the present. One such example is the rise of ‘pan-Somali nationalism’,...Show moreIntroduction There are many political and socio-economic developments that have shaped Somalia’s past and continues to the present. One such example is the rise of ‘pan-Somali nationalism’, otherwise known ‘Soomaalinimo’, which can be described as a political and ideological belief system that rests upon ethno-Somali nationalism. Those who adhere to pan-Somali nationalism specifically yearn for the establishment of a unified ‘Greater-Somalia’, whereby the five regions which historically had been inhabited by ethnic Somalis are reunified under a single Somali nation. The five territories encompassed the Italian Somaliland, the British Somali land, French Somaliland of Djibouti, The Ogaadeen region in Ethiopia and northern frontier district which British colonial administers incorporated into Kenya (Taylor 2014, 91). The discourse of pan-Somali nationalism implies that Somalis are hostages of a neo-colonial project and that the current boundaries of the Somali state are artificial. As such, these borders were critiqued because they were arbitrarily drawn up by colonialists and baselessly divide Somalia into five distinct states (MacArthur 2019,118). In its early stages in the second half of the 20th century, pan-Somali nationalism played a critical role in unifying different tribes and ethnic denominations that had historically been hostile to one another due to clashes over natural resources and grazing land. In fact, for the first time in history, Somalis became more nationalistic and began to share a common ‘Somali’ identity, consequently strengthening the existing Somali nationalist movements in the 1950s and 1960s (Schraeder 2006,87). Anti-colonial sentiment drove them to seek the establishment of a pan-Somali nation-state, whereby the homogeneous Somali society with its common culture, creed and ethnicity could be unified under one state (Schraeder 2006,85). The rise of pan-Somali nationalism can be specifically attributed to the emergence of a new political class of elites between 1940 and 1950. This group of elites advocated for complete independence from Italian and British colonial rules and urged the formation of a unified pan-Somali state (Lewis 2002,116). Nevertheless, within a relatively short period of time, these nationalist elites became more concerned with preserving their own tribal identities and interests than achieving national unity within the state. As such, discussions concerning discourses around Pan-Somali nationalism and Greater-Somalia become a political instrument that enabled the newly-emerged political class to maintain power (Lewis 2002,118). The dysfunctionality of PanSomali nationalism became increasingly evident in the aftermath of the 1977 Ethio-Somali war as clashes between nationalist leaders caused them to retreat in defence of their clan interests. Such events, in combination with additional historical developments, eventually culminated in the collapse of Somalia’s central government in 1992 (Alasow 2010,25). This paper investigates how ‘Pan-Somalism’ ushered in a unique euphoria that created a decisive force of shared national identity within the fragmented Somali society that had previously never experienced any sort of centralised functioning bureaucracy This paper attempts to explore how pan-Somali nationalism and its path towards modernisation clashed with Somalis’ traditional agnatic clan system. As such, this paper will demonstrate the clash between modernisation and traditional fundamentalism amongst Somalis led to the collapse of the central government. henceforth, this thesis seeks to answer the following question: How did ‘Pan-Somali nationalism’ and tribalism undermined the formation and lead to the collapse of the Somali state in the period between 1950 and 1992? The structure of the thesis is as follows: Chapter 1 highlights the historical underpinnings of pan-Somali nationalism and its effectiveness in creating a shared identity, geographical specificity and solidarity within Somali society. Chapter 2 presents the methodologies and theoretical approaches used to answer the research question. Chapter 3 examines how clannism infiltrated the Italian administration and how it derailed Somali politics, leading the country to encounter divisive tribal-based politics. Chapter 4 emphasizes the challenges of a post-independent Somalia where clannism became Some form of political source. Chapter 5 addresses the consequences of pan-Somali nationalism, putting forth a new paradigm called ethnoconsociationalism as a potential lasting solution to the Somali impasse.Show less
Since 2011, Ethiopia has been building a dam on the Blue Nile river. The project, called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam or GERD, has been of significant importance for the whole basin. Egypt...Show moreSince 2011, Ethiopia has been building a dam on the Blue Nile river. The project, called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam or GERD, has been of significant importance for the whole basin. Egypt and Sudan, the downstream states, have been interested in the project for several reasons. Both Egypt and Sudan rely heavily on the Blue Nile for agriculture and supply of fresh water. Egypt in particular is concerned that their access to water will be limited through the construction of the dam. Egypt receives 97 percent of their fresh water supply via the Nile. Due to colonial era agreements on the use of the water supplied by the Blue Nile, Egypt had a hegemonic status over all the states along the stream of the river or the ‘riparian’ states for quite some time. However, in 2011, a perfect storm of events, with the Arab Spring and the subsequent fall of president Mubarak, and the independence of Southern Sudan, coincided with the commencement by the Ethiopian government to build the GERD.Show less
This thesis explores the high level of persistent inequality that is experienced by the majority of the South African population, by closely examining three socio-historical determinants: land,...Show moreThis thesis explores the high level of persistent inequality that is experienced by the majority of the South African population, by closely examining three socio-historical determinants: land, education and the labour market. By doing so, a critical analysis of the post-apartheid government is carried out, and evidence points to the several legacies of apartheid that are still negatively affecting many people in South Africa, a quarter century after the end of apartheid.Show less
