Muslim terrorism and radicalization have been topics of increasing concern in the West since the beginning of the 21st century. The rise of the Islamic State, commonly referred to as ISIS, which...Show moreMuslim terrorism and radicalization have been topics of increasing concern in the West since the beginning of the 21st century. The rise of the Islamic State, commonly referred to as ISIS, which experienced a rapid and unexpected development after 2014, increased these widespread concerns related to Muslim terrorism and radicalization. This thesis tackles these topics from the perspective of France, a country that has been hardly hit by ISIS since 2014. Thus, the aim of this paper is to analyze how the Islamic State, and Muslim terrorism more broadly, have influenced the making of the French counter-terrorist apparatus. This research provides a detailed overview and analysis of the concrete impact of these phenomena on the French counter-terrorist apparatus, and delves into the role played by key counter-terrorist actors through the preemptive and reactive measures that have been taken in order to counter the Islamic State. Further, this research looks at the implications of the dynamics existing between the Islamic State and France, and investigates the resulting limitations that affect France's counter-terrorist system, in terms of overall efficiency and, more importantly, regarding the respect of fundamental human rights. This paper suggests that further research should be conducted on this topic, in order to gain a proper understanding of the processes and dynamics that are at play in the elaboration of counter-terrorist measures aimed at providing appropriate answers to existing and upcoming threats.Show less
This thesis analyzes the power of the Egyptian military between 1952 and 2020. It discusses this concept through four time periods, 1952-1967, 1967-2011, 2011-2013 and 2013-2020. It analyzes the...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the power of the Egyptian military between 1952 and 2020. It discusses this concept through four time periods, 1952-1967, 1967-2011, 2011-2013 and 2013-2020. It analyzes the concept of power in these periods through a political and economic lens.Show less
Since Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came...Show moreSince Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came to a peak during the 2014 and the 2017 Gulf crises. Remarkable, is the central role of Al Jazeera in in these diplomatic crises, while the network is independent and only partly funded by the Qatari government. Therefore, this thesis researches the impact of Al Jazeera on Qatar’s foreign relations. Through within-case analysis and process tracing this thesis illustrates how Al Jazeera, since its establishment, has evolved into a global news network that is considered highly controversial among the other Gulf states. By combining these results with the theories of the CNN-effect and the Al Jazeera effect, this thesis has been able to identify possible reasons why Al Jazeera has been a subject in these diplomatic crises. Lastly, this thesis also proposes an addition to the theory of multilevel analysis that allows for more accurate research into global news networks.Show less
Hamas has changed considerably over the past 30 years. The movement that arose in 1987 as a military resistance originated as a charity organisation and nowadays participates in Palestinian...Show moreHamas has changed considerably over the past 30 years. The movement that arose in 1987 as a military resistance originated as a charity organisation and nowadays participates in Palestinian politics. Hamas entered Palestinian politics in 2005 when the Palestinians conducted the first free elections for the Palestinian National Authority (PA). Few expected Hamas to win the elections and Western diplomats had assessed Hamas as a radical Islamic organisation preferring violence over political participation to pursue its goals. However, Hamas won the elections and ended Fatah’ domination of the PA. After this victory, Hamas underwent a complex process to assert authority and control over the Gaza Strip in 2007. This complex process coincided with the transformation of Hamas from a resistance movement to a political party. This thesis focusses on this transition and aims to generate a better understanding of Hamas’ performance as a political party and what has been called a ‘rebel government’. This study explores whether the movement can function as a partner in dialogue for peace talks in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. To this end, this thesis aims to answer the following research question: To what extent is it possible for Hamas to become a legitimate partner in the dialogue regarding the peace process in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict?Show less
This thesis provides an analysis of claims about veiling in parliamentary debates between 2007 and 2019. In my research, I have further build on Saharso and Lettinga’s work, who have analyzed...Show moreThis thesis provides an analysis of claims about veiling in parliamentary debates between 2007 and 2019. In my research, I have further build on Saharso and Lettinga’s work, who have analyzed public debates about veiling (1999-2006). Developments of the past fourteen years called for a comprehensive analysis of the use of frames in political debates with an updated framework to see if these developments signify new (clusters of) frames. I have defined five clusters of frames: (1) state-church frames, (2) integration frames, (3) discrimination frames, (4) gender frames, and (5) security frames. Based on a content analysis of parliamentary debates, I conclude that there have been developments in debates about veiling, which signify either new frames or new clusters of frames. Research showed that the use of security frames indeed signifies a new cluster of frames, particularly resonant in burqa debates. Another observation is that the integration, discrimination and gender frames are part of larger debates and, in contrast to the state-church and security frames, cannot be linked to particular debates or specific public realms, neither can they be organized in time. While the discrimination frames seem to be a separate cluster in relation to the integration frames, this does not mean that the integration frames have become less relevant in debates about veiling. Another outcome is that the Judeo-Christian heritage frame is incidentally used in parliamentary debates and does not represent a certain trend or development. Lastly, the state-church frames are still relevant in debates about veiling, particularly in debates about accommodation of headscarves in the police force.Show less
In deze scriptie neem ik drie websites onder de loep die zelf claimen de methodologie van het salafisme te volgen. Ik zet de bevindingen in de context van de academische literatuur, en naast de...Show moreIn deze scriptie neem ik drie websites onder de loep die zelf claimen de methodologie van het salafisme te volgen. Ik zet de bevindingen in de context van de academische literatuur, en naast de definitie van de overheid, door een kwalitatieve content analyse te maken. Uit het onderzoek blijkt dat de overheid weliswaar een idee heeft wat het salafisme inhoudt, maar ondertussen religieuze concepten te veel benadrukt, daar waar de websites ze zelf minder aandacht geven. Ondertussen schenkt de overheid te weinig aandacht aan religieuze concepten die voor de websites juist heel belangrijk zijn. Dit komt met name omdat de overheid zich op veiligheid concentreert, en niet zozeer op de theologie. De theologische aspecten die de maatschappelijke veiligheid mogelijk kunnen bedreigen, krijgen hierdoor meer aandacht dan theologisch gerechtvaardigd zou zijn. Hierdoor is de definitie van de overheid in theologische zin onvoldoende accuraat, en slechts beperkt van toepassing in de Nederlandse context.Show less
Ibn Al-Qayyim Al-Jawziyyah: een spirituele literalist? Opvallend is de figuur van Ibn Al-Qayyim Al-Jawziyya (691 H/ 1292 NC) in dit verband. Hij is enerzijds leerling van Ibn Taymiyyah, die bekend...Show moreIbn Al-Qayyim Al-Jawziyyah: een spirituele literalist? Opvallend is de figuur van Ibn Al-Qayyim Al-Jawziyya (691 H/ 1292 NC) in dit verband. Hij is enerzijds leerling van Ibn Taymiyyah, die bekend staat om zijn strikte Hanbalitische geloofsopvatting, maar anderzijds heeft hij in verschillende werken - zoals Ruh (de Ziel) en Madârij As-Sâlikîn (Stappen van de Reiziger) - een duidelijk soefistisch discours ontwikkeld, waarin hij tracht de synthese te bewerkstelligen tussen de twee scholen. Zijn werken worden wereldwijd probleemloos gedoceerd in de twee scholen. Deze positie van Ibn Al-Qayyim, welke zich dus laat kenmerken door een zekere mate van algemene acceptatie en toepassing, is bijzonder, maar niet geheel nieuw te noemen. Ongeveer twee eeuwen eerder was Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali reeds bezig met het verbinden van de conservatieve en mystieke stroming.Show less
When becoming a political party during the 1992 elections, Hizbullah decided to shelve their revolutionary ideals of the establishment of an Islamic state in Lebanon in favour of accommodation with...Show moreWhen becoming a political party during the 1992 elections, Hizbullah decided to shelve their revolutionary ideals of the establishment of an Islamic state in Lebanon in favour of accommodation with the current political system. This thesis examines how they communicated this change in position firstly to the wider multisectarian public and secondly to their hardcore followers.Show less
This thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on...Show moreThis thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on the topic of the nature of the state. Whilst originally rejecting liberal democratic values and a secular state altogether, the Brothers have since the 1980’s gradually adopted those values within their Islamist framework, and started participating in Egyptian politics. However, this approach led to significant ideological ambiguities on a number of central issues, such as the source of political authority (people or God?) and the role of shari’a (Islamic law) in society. By thorough analysis of the Brotherhood’s post-Mubarak political discourse on these issues, as well as taking into account government-Brotherhood relations, the Brotherhood’s internal dealings, and nationwide events, the writer contends that the Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities remained firmly in place into the post-Mubarak era, hampering its ability to be a successful political actor in a post-Mubarak Egypt.Show less
Er lijkt iets te zijn veranderd in de Nederlandse samenleving met betrekking tot de houding tegenover islam en moslims door de gebeurtenissen in het Midden-Oosten in de zomer van 2014. Deze...Show moreEr lijkt iets te zijn veranderd in de Nederlandse samenleving met betrekking tot de houding tegenover islam en moslims door de gebeurtenissen in het Midden-Oosten in de zomer van 2014. Deze verandering lijkt meer verdeeldheid en negatieve beeldvorming tot gevolg te hebben. Het doel van dit onderzoek is om te ontdekken of dit idee klopt en wat de verandering inhoudt. Dit leidt dan ook tot de vraag: hebben de gebeurtenissen in het Midden-Oosten in de zomer van 2014 iets veranderd in de Nederlandse samenleving? Het antwoord op deze vraag wordt gegeven door middel van het concept islamofobie. Het onderzoek focust zich op vier kenmerkende aspecten van islamofobie: het idee dat islam een bedreiging is voor de nationale veiligheid; het idee dat (hoofddoek dragende) moslimvrouwen worden onderdrukt; moslimdiscriminatie en de reactie van de Nederlandse moslimgemeenschap op de houding tegenover moslims en islam in de Nederlandse samenleving. Bij deze vier aspecten wordt er gekeken naar de situatie voor en na de zomer van 2014 met behulp van berichtgevingen in de media en berichtgeving en beleid dat vanuit de Nederlandse overheid komt. Uit de vergelijking blijkt dat er voor de zomer van 2014 al sprake was van een negatieve beeldvorming met betrekking tot islam en moslims in Nederland die te danken is aan een bepaalde zorg of angst dat de islamitische waarden de Nederlandse waarden zullen overnemen. De verandering die heeft plaatsgevonden is dat de focus op radicalisering onder de Nederlandse moslims is toegenomen binnen de Nederlandse samenleving en overheid. Dit roept op zijn beurt nieuwe reacties en beeldvorming op in relatie met de behandelde islamofobische aspecten. Het betekent dat er een verschuiving heeft plaatsgevonden van de zorg of angst om de overname van de Nederlandse waarde door islamitische waarden, naar een combinatie tussen deze angst en de angst voor een fysieke (gewelddadige) overname van de Nederlandse samenleving door radicale moslims. Dit heeft op zijn beurt weer effect op de reactie die vanuit de moslimgemeenschap komt. Er is echter nog te weinig data beschikbaar om met zekerheid vast te kunnen stellen of de verschuiving langdurige gevolgen heeft voor de verhoudingen in de Nederlandse samenleving.Show less
In this thesis, I examined forms and elements of religiosity among Iraqi Shiite Muslim men who take part in activities organised by the Alcauther Stichting based in The Hague, where I conducted a...Show moreIn this thesis, I examined forms and elements of religiosity among Iraqi Shiite Muslim men who take part in activities organised by the Alcauther Stichting based in The Hague, where I conducted a field research during one year. I attempted to provide answers to the question how the attendees of Alcauther apprehend and apply normative knowledge on Twelver Shiite Islam in their daily lives and religiosity. I found that my respondents sought practical-oriented knowledge to improve their daily religiosity within the circumstances of their daily lives. I also found that they individualise their religiosity in social settings. This individualisation takes the shape of pragmatism, as in some instances, they consciously choose to abstain from applying religious rules because they don’t “fit” into certain social situations. Pragmatism could also be noted in their performance of these rituals due to their professional obligations. Finally, I described and discussed their performance of collective rituals during the month of Muharram.Show less
Master thesis | Theology and Religious Studies (Master)
open access
In May 2013, when green activists heard that the trees at Gezi Park would be replaced by a shopping mall, a mosque and the Topcu Kislasi, they started occupying the Park. Due to the extreme force...Show moreIn May 2013, when green activists heard that the trees at Gezi Park would be replaced by a shopping mall, a mosque and the Topcu Kislasi, they started occupying the Park. Due to the extreme force of the police to dislodge these activists, a city awakened and something amazing happened. All colors of Istanbul came together!Show less
