Very little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable...Show moreVery little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable and weak, without any power to shape decisions of middle power states. This thesis examines the relationship between small states, the Pacific Islands, and regional middle power Australia. In order to answer the question “How do the Pacific Island States, as small states, attempt to exert influence on climate change decisions over middle power state Australia in the international environment?” this study employs a qualitative research design of small and middle power states. By showing collective leadership through the United Nations, the PIS are able to influence debates and agenda-setting of middle power states on the norm climate change at the international level. However, the influence of small states on Australia’s climate policies is limited and depends on the receptiveness of the Australian government. Yet, the current geopolitical competition between Australia and China occasionally offers the PIS opportunities to pressure the Australian government.Show less
Most scholars agree that the Japanese amphibious strategy is fundamentally flawed by the lack of cooperation between the Japanese Self Defense Forces’ (JSDF) ground and maritime branches, as well...Show moreMost scholars agree that the Japanese amphibious strategy is fundamentally flawed by the lack of cooperation between the Japanese Self Defense Forces’ (JSDF) ground and maritime branches, as well as the latter’s lack of dedicated amphibious capabilities. However, while the struggles of the Japanese Ground Self Defense Force (JGSDF) have been extensively documented in papers and interviews by academics, retired JGSDF and United States Marine Corps (USMC) officers, research on its Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force (JMSDF) counterpart has lagged behind. The JMSDF’s amphibious warfare unit, counterintuitively or perhaps fittingly called the Mine Warfare Force (MWF), is only mentioned contextually, and portrayed as an inadequate JMSDF counterpart to the JGSDF’s marines. Yet, the archipelago nation, standing as the greatest obstacle to China's seaward expansion, cannot afford to possess ineffective amphibious forces. Whether it is from the perspective of containing, deterring, or fighting the People's Liberation Army (PLA), for Japan, the ability to quickly deploy and sustain forces on its islands is essential. Why was arguably the most professional Navy in Asia unable to develop an effective amphibious counterpart for Japan's naval infantry? By conducting a comprehensive analysis of Japanese naval literature from official and quasi-official sources, this thesis aims to demonstrate that, contrary to common wisdom, neither Japan's pacifist nature nor a preconceived lack of JMSDF interest in amphibious capabilities shaped this result. Instead, the deeper reasons for this failure must be sought in intra- and inter-organizational politics within the JSDF. To prove this point, the thesis will analyze the MWF's evolution from its inception to the present day, focusing on three transformational moments that occurred in the periods of 2011 to 2013, 2014 to 2017, and 2018 to 2023.Show less
This paper investigates political cartoons concerning Sino-Japanese relations from the Japanese perspective, focusing on certain key events of particular contention between China and Japan. Its aim...Show moreThis paper investigates political cartoons concerning Sino-Japanese relations from the Japanese perspective, focusing on certain key events of particular contention between China and Japan. Its aim is to identify particular strategies in political cartoons in order to influence public perception about certain political topics. For this a series of political cartoons was selected to be analyzed by a process called Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). By doing this, it analyzed the strategies political cartoonists use to pursue a certain narrative. In conclusion, although there seems to be somewhat of a correlation between what kind of event is being described and the type of imagery being used, more political cartoons will need to be analyzed to come to a definitive conclusion.Show less
In November 2014, India’s newly elected Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the “Act East Policy” (AEP), which aims to increase economic and strategic cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and...Show moreIn November 2014, India’s newly elected Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the “Act East Policy” (AEP), which aims to increase economic and strategic cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and deepen cultural relationships. It does so on a regional, multilateral, and bilateral level. Although there is academic literature on this policy, most of the literature looks at the AEP through a realist lens, thereby considering it a mere “balancing” effort against China’s increasing influence in the region. This thesis opts to diversify the literature on the AEP by taking a constructivist approach. In doing so it seeks to understand how the ruling Hindu Nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) conceptions of India’s state identity have shaped the AEP. Using the value-action framework and process-tracing method, this thesis finds that there are three identities which create values that shape the BJP’s preferences for the AEP. Firstly, the “challenged state” identity gives rise to the ‘increasing national security’ value. The second identity, a “once-thriving civilization”, gives rise to two closely connected values: ‘creating an economically stronger India’ and ‘ensuring India gets its rightful place in the comity of nations and international institutions’. Lastly, the “democracy shaped by Hinduism in a changing Asian landscape” identity gives rise to the ‘establishing a democratic and rules-based international order’ value. However, through assessment of India’s wider foreign policy behaviour this thesis finds that these values do not all carry equal weight. It argues that the pursuit of national security, prosperity and indirectly the pursuit of India’s “rightful place” on the international stage were the main factors leading to the establishment of the AEP. Thus, concluding that the “challenged” state and “once-thriving civilization” identities have more influence on the AEP under BJP rule than the “democracy shaped by Hinduism in a changing Asian landscape” identity.Show less
The Japanese government responded to successive natural disasters by passing the 2013 disaster resilience law, which placed more responsibility on local governments to deal with natural disasters....Show moreThe Japanese government responded to successive natural disasters by passing the 2013 disaster resilience law, which placed more responsibility on local governments to deal with natural disasters. Although this law intended to improve and safeguard people’s well-being after natural disasters, it exacerbated it. This thesis examines two case studies, the 2016 Kumamoto Earthquakes and the 2020 Kyushu Floods, to examine the law’s effects. The case studies show that delegating to the local level leaves out essential aspects for feasible aims for effective disaster management to improve human-wellbeing. The governmental system remains rigid with neoliberal characteristics and omits the possibility of effective disaster response and recovery efforts. The current Japanese disaster management does not allow for innovation, quick decision-making, adequate funding and close cooperation for the short-term and long-term. As a result, the sociopolitical vulnerabilities become more apparent during disaster response exacerbating human-wellbeing. Japanese citizens have limited access to mental health services, remain in temporary housing for extended periods, and have reconstruction issues. Local communities struggle with a future without prospects.Show less
Since 2012 the Japanese security environment witnessed rapid changes which in turn impacted its security policy. These changes in the security policy and environment impacted Okinawa directly....Show moreSince 2012 the Japanese security environment witnessed rapid changes which in turn impacted its security policy. These changes in the security policy and environment impacted Okinawa directly. Conservative newspapers emphasise the government's narrative about the importance of the presence of the US bases on Okinawa for deterrence. Liberal newspapers call for relocating the Futenma base outside Okinawa to reduce the burden on the island. Accordingly, this thesis investigates how the representation of the Okinawa base issue in Japan’s left and right-leaning newspapers has developed during the changes in the Japanese security environment and policy. This research uses critical discourse analysis to investigate the discourse on Okinawa in Japanese newspapers by analysing the depiction of the Okinawan response toward the Futenma base relocation. Then, it examines newspapers’ representations of the Okinawa issue in the context of the regional security threats. The results identify the differences and similarities between left- and right-leaning newspapers’ representation of the Okinawa issue. Despite the various representations of the Okinawa issue in right and left-leaning newspapers, the dominant security narrative shapes the discourse on the Okinawa issue. This study finds that left-leaning newspapers played a role in strengthening the conservative representation of the Okinawa issue. Hereby, the thesis may serve as a foundation for a broader study of representation discourse in newspapers.Show less
This paper analyses the role public opinion had in the revision of the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act in 2018. Previously, the majority of the public felt economically and...Show moreThis paper analyses the role public opinion had in the revision of the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act in 2018. Previously, the majority of the public felt economically and culturally threatened by foreign residents. Over time, this belief largely disappeared from the public’s consciousness and changed into a more receptive view of an increase of foreigners. Consequently, a majority of the public came to believe that an increase of unskilled foreign labourers to address Japan’s labour shortage was a satisfactory solution. Alleviating labour shortages would in turn strengthen Japan’s economy which was a priority for both the public and Prime Minister Abe. Having looked at both businesses and Abe as different actors in the revision, I found that thanks to Abe’s tight control over both the Diet and the Cabinet, the bill was approved by the Diet without Abe facing public backlash. Nonetheless, the public’s preference has not been attained as they wanted more deliberation time in the Diet. Therefore, public opinion and the 2018 revision are correlated, but it cannot be concluded that public opinion influenced the revision.Show less
After 2020, Japan-Taiwan relations have seen an accelerated change from an informal, ambiguous relationship towards a relationship based on Japan’s support for Taiwan’s de facto independence. This...Show moreAfter 2020, Japan-Taiwan relations have seen an accelerated change from an informal, ambiguous relationship towards a relationship based on Japan’s support for Taiwan’s de facto independence. This thesis argues that the drivers behind the accelerated shift challenge the paradigm that Japan’s Prime Ministerial executive office (the Kantei) exerts unchallenged control over Japan’s foreign policymaking (Mulgan 2017). Namely, influential LDP nationalist right-wing politicians have utilized the Hong Kong protests, 2021 LDP presidential elections and Russia’s attack on Ukraine to make unprecedented pro-Taiwan statements. These statements have called upon the Kantei to more explicitly demonstrate its support for Taiwan’s position, which is in line with the preference of nationalist right-wing politicians for a strong Japan in the international order and their desire to maintain political influence over Japan’s policymaking. Through these statements, LDP nationalist right-wing politicians have more or less ‘hijacked’ Japan’s foreign policymaking. As this undermined the Kantei’s leading role in Japan’s policymaking, the paradigm that Japan is a Kantei-led state in foreign policy needs to be reviewed in order to accommodate the influence of the LDP’s nationalist right-wing.Show less
Partnerships of international environmental organisations (IEOs) and polluters can have positive outcomes for the environment, but they can also result in an organisation greenwashing a polluting...Show morePartnerships of international environmental organisations (IEOs) and polluters can have positive outcomes for the environment, but they can also result in an organisation greenwashing a polluting company. The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN), a leading IEO, is partnering with the oil giant Royal Dutch Shell, one of the biggest polluters worldwide. This study aims to determine whether the partnership makes a positive contribution to the environment or if the opposite is the case and IUCN is greenwashing Shell. Specifically it investigates the effectiveness of an IUCN–Shell project in the Niger Delta, which aims to improve Shell’s sustainability record in the area. As a result of the project, two reports were published which give recommendations on how to reach this aim. These reports are the substance of this study’s methodology, with a number of hypotheses testing their integrity, whether they had a positive effect and whether the absence of positive effects was criticized by IUCN. Methods which test the hypotheses are a summative content analysis, evaluating the content – and process-tracing, assessing the effects of the reports. The results showed that IUCN is greenwashing Shell, as the reports are biased, not transparent and the authors not independent. Furthermore, there was determined only a minor process and a lack of criticism by IUCN to Shell’s poor behaviour. The outcome of the study questions not only the legitimacy of IUCN as an IEO but also the overall system of global environmental governance in which these organisations operate and are entrusted with effecting a meaningful impact for the environment.Show less
In recent years, China's economic diplomacy has received more attention in the field of International Relations. Some scholars argue that China uses its economic diplomacy in a coercive way, while...Show moreIn recent years, China's economic diplomacy has received more attention in the field of International Relations. Some scholars argue that China uses its economic diplomacy in a coercive way, while other scholars argue against this notion. This thesis discusses China's economic diplomacy with its research question: "What drives China’s economic diplomacy in the case of political disputes in East-Asia?". The thesis examines two disputes between China and its neighbouring countries, Japan and South Korea, in order to research how China employs its economic power. The research is based on three factors that influence how China creates its economic diplomacy; national sentiment, history of the bilateral relations, and bilateral trade. Using process-tracing, the thesis examines these three factors of the THAAD dispute with South Korea and the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute with Japan. The aim of the thesis is to demonstrate that, while national sentiment, previous bilateral relations, and bilateral trade influence China's economic diplomacy, these factors do not influence China’s decision-making equally. The thesis concludes that national sentiment influences the Chinese government the most to use its economic diplomacy coercively.Show less
Sub-Saharan migrants experience human rights abuses like human trafficking and other forms of violence on their migratory journey towards Europe. The EU and its member states claim to respect human...Show moreSub-Saharan migrants experience human rights abuses like human trafficking and other forms of violence on their migratory journey towards Europe. The EU and its member states claim to respect human rights in their foreign migration policy. At the same time, European foreign migration policy is characterised by restrictive access to the EU and tight border controls based on the securitisation of migration. This thesis takes a critical stance on European foreign migration policy, not only discussing the area of tension between human rights and state interests, but analysing how a humanitarian discourse like the fight against human trafficking is appropriated to advance state interests. Using a critical framework comprised of neoliberal governmentality and mobility studies, this thesis offers a different perspective to think about human trafficking of migrants. A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Rabat and Khartoum Processes, two multi-lateral policy initiatives that govern migration beyond European borders and claim to fight human trafficking, reveals the necessity to re-think migration policy, include migrants as political agents in the policy process and address questions of unjust global power relations.Show less
This paper aims to explore how the Sino-Afghan relationship can be defined in terms of benevolence versus exploitation, and how the non-interference policy plays a role in this relationship. The...Show moreThis paper aims to explore how the Sino-Afghan relationship can be defined in terms of benevolence versus exploitation, and how the non-interference policy plays a role in this relationship. The paper does this through a positivist analysis of three dimensions of the Sino-Afghan relationship: security, economic, and political relations. The concluding paragraph of the thesis states that the findings are in line with the idea of developmentalism.Show less
In response to the financial crisis on Wall Street in 2008, the financial world in which the patriarchy still ruled was held accountable by the media. As a result, new outlets such as Time Magazine...Show moreIn response to the financial crisis on Wall Street in 2008, the financial world in which the patriarchy still ruled was held accountable by the media. As a result, new outlets such as Time Magazine and The New York Times began portraying women as the perfect fit for the role of regulator. This paper analyzes to what extent the gendered narrative has been constructed by the media and how. Based on critical discourse analysis theory, this research proves that through the use of metaphors, the media actively helps to shape a dichotomized climate in which women are always depicted as ‘the other’. Analyzing the narrative describing two women (Sheila Bair and Elizabeth Warren), this study reveals that they were projected to gender rhetoric, hereby focussing on four metaphorical themes. This study has implications for the theory of Critical Discourse Analysis and studies on gender framing.Show less
In December 2012, Abe Shinzo was again elected as Prime Minister of Japan and is now in office for almost six years. In those six years, he promised economic growth for Japan, through his policy...Show moreIn December 2012, Abe Shinzo was again elected as Prime Minister of Japan and is now in office for almost six years. In those six years, he promised economic growth for Japan, through his policy Abenomics including womenomics. Likewise, with the Japan-Korea 2015 Agreement, he showed his desire to settle the “comfort women” issue with South Korea. However, both plans have not been accomplished, with the Japanese economy still stagnating, and the “comfort women” still being an issue after the 2015 agreement failed. With womenomics, the goal was to increase the number of working women and increase the number of women in leadership positions. However, with Abe being a supporter of the patriarchal system, it is hard to reach this goal. After analysing the policy womenomics and Abe’s promotion regarding the issue, it can be seen that through Abe’s choice of words, he creates a power discourse, which deepens the gender inequality in society. Abe’s power discourse on womenomics portraits women as helpless beings who need a man’s help to become successful, deepening gender inequality. Similarly, Abe’s revisionist stance caused the agreement to fail, and the “comfort women” to remain an issue. An analysis of Abe’s statement regarding the “comfort women” issue shows his refusal in seeing the “comfort women” as sex slaves, even depicting them as workers for the Japanese Imperial Army during the war. Due to Abe diminishing the victims’ stories and feelings, and portraying them as workers, he aggravates the gender inequality in society. So, Abe’s power discourse of womenomics and the “comfort women issue” makes gender inequality more deep-rooted in society.Show less
Debt refinancing or consolidation is a trend for states worldwide. In Japan, due to Abenomics’ extensive monetary policy, state debt has risen greatly. This debt is deemed sustainable to the...Show moreDebt refinancing or consolidation is a trend for states worldwide. In Japan, due to Abenomics’ extensive monetary policy, state debt has risen greatly. This debt is deemed sustainable to the official discourse of financial institutions, since it is held nationally and debt is sought to be refinanced through the national financial system. This paper challenges this account that the state debt is sustainable, by analysing the specific discursive construction of the public the BOJ and the MOF enforce to render the state debt as sustainable. The result of the research is that the BOJ and the MOF try to utilise the public through identity construction, but that this identity is incompatible in terms of spatial, temporal and ethical dimensions. This undermines the credibility of the financial institutions, pressuring the sustainability of the state debt and the success of Abenomics. This research analyses the state-specific condition that allow for state debt, and therefore forms a lesson in how to assess discourse by financial institutions that can be applied to case studies worldwide.Show less
India’s ambivalent engagement with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often explained via the same dichotomy as the overall Sino-Indian relationship: either realist scepticism or liberal...Show moreIndia’s ambivalent engagement with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often explained via the same dichotomy as the overall Sino-Indian relationship: either realist scepticism or liberal optimism. Academic literature on the topic demonstrates the inadequacy of these paradigms in explaining India’s ambivalence towards engagement with the BRI. This thesis goes beyond the dichotomy of Realism and Idealism and incorporates the significance of the constructions of discourse and identity. The analysis employs a Post-structuralist discourse analysis based on the work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, whose framework can be used to analyse both how discourses of national identity are constructed, and how they are connected to foreign policy choices. In this thesis, Laclau and Mouffe’s framework is applied to the discourse surrounding national identity constructed by the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and its relation to the Indian engagement with the BRI. Modi’s speeches as Prime Minister will be analysed to evince three discursive channels that together construct India’s identity: ‘Multipolarity’, ‘Great Power Recognition’, and ‘Rule of Law’. Together these three discourses construct an image of India as a state that recently achieved great power status, a state adhering to the existing international norms and rules, a champion of the liberal international order, and a promoter of multilateral connectivity initiatives. Within these discourses, BRI is projected as an initiative that does not follow international rules and norms, has the potential to convert the region into a Chinese unipolar Asia, forms a threat to India’s great power recognition, and is constructed along the exact opposite values that India adheres to. The argument highlights the temporal, ethical, and spatial contradictions in the construction of this identity. Because of these discordant dimensions India employs a conflicting rationale behind its engagement with BRI. Thus far, its engagement has been marked by hesitance and can thus be interpreted by both realists and liberal thinkers as a form of competition or cooperation. The heart of Indian foreign policy is not a realist security nor liberal economic dilemma, but a Post-structural ‘identity dilemma’: who is India, and how does it see the world?Show less
