Community-based Eco-tourism (CBET) has been promoted as a model that can reconcile sustainable development and environmental conservation, and ultimately empower local populations. However, how...Show moreCommunity-based Eco-tourism (CBET) has been promoted as a model that can reconcile sustainable development and environmental conservation, and ultimately empower local populations. However, how this empowerment is achieved in particular among women is still largely debated given the gender norms in which these models are embedded. By focusing on Costa Rica as a case study, and drawing on an array of empirical evidence collated through desk research, this dissertation examines the role and participation of women in CBET initiatives; seeking to understand how women have been empowered through such models, and what the underlying factors that can promote or inhibit this. This study highlights that while the participation of women in CBET has been largely confined to the domestic spheres and underpinned by gender-defined activities, such opportunities are important in kick-starting and fomenting an initial process of empowerment that can be positively attributed to these schemes. Such changes are an initial stage of empowerment that can certainly ripple to other spheres and ultimately empower women.Show less
The United States played an important role in Central America throughout the first half of the 20th century. However, despite far-reaching similarities between the different Central American...Show moreThe United States played an important role in Central America throughout the first half of the 20th century. However, despite far-reaching similarities between the different Central American countries and the fact that the US did not differentiate between them in its foreign policy approach, significant differences in the political developments of the Central American republics occurred during this period. Using a comparative method to investigate two such cases, namely the nondemocratic administrations of Anastasio Somoza García in Nicaragua and Tiburcio Carías Andino in Honduras, this thesis demonstrates that the manner in which the individual Central American leaders used their agency to shape the relationship between their respective administration and the United States was the crucial factor determining the different outcomes in regime survival. This was for an important part due to the fact that both nondemocratic regimes studied relied on their military to stay in power, and the extent to which these militaries in turn relied on US support differed as a result of different leadership decisions. Based on such findings, this thesis argues for a revised explanation of US-Central American relations during the 20th century, away from the widespread but incorrect “Banana Republic” narrative which overlooks Central American agency.Show less
Since the turn to democracy in 1985, Brazil has experienced a dramatic rise in violence in its big cities. This article will look at the rise in violence, attempting to research which parts of...Show moreSince the turn to democracy in 1985, Brazil has experienced a dramatic rise in violence in its big cities. This article will look at the rise in violence, attempting to research which parts of society are affected most by the violence. One of the main arguments is that Violence perpetuates poverty already present within Brazilian favela communities. Favelas communities endure most of the violence and as a result are often inhibited in their development. In order to see what effect the violence has to the development of favela inhabitants, this essay will use the Capability approach as developed by Martha S. Nussbaum, making it possible to look further than only monetary measurements of poverty when researching the effects of violenceShow less
One of the defining characteristics of the past few decades is the growth and subsequently the internationalisation of corporations which can be attributed to manifold factors including more...Show moreOne of the defining characteristics of the past few decades is the growth and subsequently the internationalisation of corporations which can be attributed to manifold factors including more promising market opportunities, less strict market regulations, and more strengthened ties among states forming coalitions and alliances aimed at fostering economic growth, among others. Latin America – a region which never fails to attract scrutinising scholars owing to its socio-economic and political landscape, has witnessed the burgeoning of its domestic corporations and the creation and cessation of alliances among its component states. This thesis analyses the relationship of these two actors in order to shed light on the effects of globalisation in the region. It shall then argue that the process of globalisation in Latin America should not be seen in a generalising perspective. Rather, as the circumstances in the region’s economic and political landscapes suggest, the relationships between Multilatinas and the regional economic blocs indicate the “lumpiness” of the movement of capital, that is, occurring at different levels of intensity and not happening at an increasing level of global cohesion believed to eradicate nation-states.Show less
This thesis describes the topic of labor within the NAFTA agreement, based on the labor conditions, labor unions, and finally labor mobility. It examines whether the labor conditions during the...Show moreThis thesis describes the topic of labor within the NAFTA agreement, based on the labor conditions, labor unions, and finally labor mobility. It examines whether the labor conditions during the agreement improved or worsened.Show less
When, in March 1996, the Howard Government emerged victorious in the Australian federal election, it was the first such victory by the coalition of the Liberal and National Party at the federal...Show moreWhen, in March 1996, the Howard Government emerged victorious in the Australian federal election, it was the first such victory by the coalition of the Liberal and National Party at the federal level since 1980. This coalition would go on to win a further four elections and, when John Howard was finally defeated at the polls in December 2007, he had become the nation’s second longest serving Prime Minister. Among all the doubtlessly important determinants of Howard’s political success, there is one that sets him apart from his predecessors in the Australian conservative tradition: his frequent and impassioned appeals to Australia’s history and national identity. This thesis addresses two principal questions, one to do with history, the other with social theory. The historical question asks what factors account for this successful realignment between politicians and national identity. The theoretical question concerns national identity itself, as a more general phenomenon in social life. Social theorists have long debated the relative priority of mass, bottom-up, grass-root social processes in constituting and shaping the substance of national identity, relative to the attempts of cultural, political, ideological and economic elites to shape and mould national identity to serve their own ideological and material ends. In brief, there is common ground in the view that national identity, as a product of social artifice is constructed. What is less clear, is the extent to which it is constructable, and if so, who has the power to do the constructing, and under what circumstances. This thesis will contribute to an understanding of the conditions under which national identity becomes malleable, allowing it to be more easily appropriated by enterprising politicians. The evidence to test my premise will come principally from a case study of John Howard’s political career.Show less
