Ethiopia is a popular destination for Eritrean refugees, due both to its close proximity and its since 2010 implemented progressive policy allowing Eritrean refugees to reside out of the camps and...Show moreEthiopia is a popular destination for Eritrean refugees, due both to its close proximity and its since 2010 implemented progressive policy allowing Eritrean refugees to reside out of the camps and in its cities, such as Addis Ababa, granted they would be self-sufficient. However, this scheme did not allow refugees to work. As a result, in 2016, the country vowed to increase its commitment and pledged to improve refugee laws by providing education, employment rights, and basic services. It was thought that Eritrea and Ethiopia’s historical relationship and cultural similarities would support the socio-cultural integration of Eritrean refugees into the Ethiopian host community. However, in reality, the level of integration amongst Eritrean refugees in Addis Ababa is still relatively low. To investigate this phenomenon, the following research question is proposed: “Why are many Eritrean refugees not socio-culturally integrated into Ethiopian host community in Addis Ababa?” This paper uses a qualitative approach to illustrate and analyse the ethnography of Eritrean and Ethiopian communities in two areas in Addis Ababa, Bole Arabsa and Mebrat Haile Gofa. Data was gathered through informal, open interviews and participant observation. A thematic approach was also used to draw conclusions from the data, to engage with the topic in new way and lastly, it offers valuable insights into the socio-cultural integration of Eritrean urban refugees within their host communities. The study’s findings indicate that language plays a key role in the overall process of integration, however, in the case of Eritrean refugees in Addis Ababa, many do not feel incentivized to learn the local language, which is Amharic. Furthermore, refugees’ knowledge of another language spoken in Ethiopia, Tigrigna, leads to discrimination by other ethnic groups. A review of past theoretical approaches to this topic suggests that religion is another key facilitator for integration. However, even though both Eritreans and Ethiopians hold similar religious beliefs, their religious practices are entirely separate. The same holds true for food and coffee ceremonies, to a large extent. This is caused by the marginal interaction between the two communities, leading to both living entirely separate and in parallel to each other. Social integration is made even more complex by the poor treatment of refugees by local authorities, as well as general mistrust from both sides due to a further consequence of their historical past, which still has a significant impact today. More importantly, access to the local economy is close to non-existent for Eritrean refugees and are therefore dependent on remittances from abroad for financial support. Moreover, this paradigm creates a circular problem, as remittances further limit their involvement in the local economy. Lastly, as Ethiopia is a transit destination, refugees are further disincentivized from staying in Addis Ababa.Show less
According to the Global Terrorism Index, Nigeria’s Boko Haram is one of the worlds most deadly insurgencies. Even though there have been national as well as international efforts to try and halt...Show moreAccording to the Global Terrorism Index, Nigeria’s Boko Haram is one of the worlds most deadly insurgencies. Even though there have been national as well as international efforts to try and halt the sect, with the latest attack on June 16th 2018, they can still be seen as claiming many lives today. Looking at genocide according to the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime Genocide, it can be argued that Boko Haram is committing a genocide under international law. No definition of genocide is as internationally recognised and legally binding as the United Nations definition in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime Genocide. Despite this, throughout history the United Nations and the international community have been reluctant to name various crimes a genocide, as this would result to the increased legal and moral pressure for the international community to respond. An example is during the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Since this genocide, the United Nations has continuously claimed that genocides can never ‘happen again’. However, looking at Nigeria and Boko Haram there has been no claim of a genocide according to the United Nations. If the United Nations would officially recognise Boko Haram as committing a genocide under international law, the international community would legally be pressured to respond to the violence.Show less
Academic research on the influence of Social Networking Sites on democratization-processes in autocratic regimes in Africa is often centered on the bottom-up, citizen-driven possibilities of social...Show moreAcademic research on the influence of Social Networking Sites on democratization-processes in autocratic regimes in Africa is often centered on the bottom-up, citizen-driven possibilities of social media, arguing that these factors enforce processes of mobilization and free information-access, ultimately resulting in a form of democratization. Drawing conclusions from the Arab Spring, the prediction was made that Zimbabwe could follow the same course of action. So far however, decisive democratic change there has not yet been observed. This study brings forward the argument that the absence of this democratic change can be explained through the presence of four conditions, namely a digital divide, the particulars of Zimbabwean political society, the online/offline-aspect in Zimbabwean socio-politics and the Zimbabwean media-landscape. Building on primary data and secondary literature, this thesis aims to bring nuance to the discussion concerning the interplay between communication-technologies and socio-political developments, in the specific case of Zimbabwe but also in a larger African- and global context.Show less
