Sexualized violence perpetrated by terrorist organizations is a prevalent issue that has continuously been identified as a pressing issue and even a “disturbing trend” in international terrorism....Show moreSexualized violence perpetrated by terrorist organizations is a prevalent issue that has continuously been identified as a pressing issue and even a “disturbing trend” in international terrorism. However, the conflation of concepts explaining or defining sexual terror exacerbated by the issue of no universally agreed definition of terrorism blurs explanations of sexualized violence. Furthermore, academic debates do not differ in the instrumentality of their explanations referring to sexualized violence as a tool, weapon, strategy, or tactic, putting sexualized violence at a means-end framework and categorizing it merely as a method to achieve a particular goal while neglecting the act’s social construction and the human factor. This thesis attempted to move beyond the instrumentality lens by utilizing practice theory to investigate patterns of sexualized violence perpetrated by Islamist terrorist organizations using the cases of Boko Haram's targeting of Christian students and the IS' brutal campaign against the Yezidis. The comparison of the two cases demonstrates that the practice of sexualized violence perpetrated by Islamist terrorist organizations is neither singular nor extraordinary. Instead, it presents itself as reoccurring pattern even among different communities of practice, thus, indicating a continuum in the practice of sexualized violence. Hence, by utilizing practice theory, the thesis argues for a more multi-dimensional analysis of sexualized violence, including previously neglected parameters of context, patterns, and discourses inciting and justifying the abuse.Show less
For many years, the Banyamulenge, a semi-nomadic community living in South Kivu, aspired to have a demarcated territory that was under their authority. This aspiration was realized in September...Show moreFor many years, the Banyamulenge, a semi-nomadic community living in South Kivu, aspired to have a demarcated territory that was under their authority. This aspiration was realized in September 1999 when the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) created the ‘’territory of Minembwe’’ granting the Banyamulenge the opportunity to be autonomous after many years of marginalization and subjugation to the customary chiefs of other ethnic communities. This thesis looks at the ways in which the Banyamulenge’s territorial aspirations arose by exploring the concepts of ‘’belonging’’ and ‘’autochthony’’. Furthermore, by documenting the Banyamulenge’s historical trajectory in the Congo this thesis aims to contextualise the creation of Minembwe and analyse the impact of its creation.Show less
With terrorist attacks still on the rise and several terrorist organizations marginalized, ‘lone wolf terrorism’ and ‘leaderless jihad’ are becoming one of the main strategies adopted by al-Qaeda....Show moreWith terrorist attacks still on the rise and several terrorist organizations marginalized, ‘lone wolf terrorism’ and ‘leaderless jihad’ are becoming one of the main strategies adopted by al-Qaeda. Instead of living and training physically with al-Qaeda, more and more individuals are radicalized in their own country. With an average age of 26, al-Qaeda related lone-wolf terrorists are increasingly recruited online. The accelerating use of the Internet to radicalize and mobilize youth has become crucial for al-Qaeda. Not only does al-Qaeda launch, use and engage with several Jihadist websites, forums and social media, the use of gamification to engage with aspiring jihadists and to encourage violence is one of their newest strategies. And a very savvy one as well (Brachman & Levine, 2011). Where gamification is primarily used online, al-Qaeda uses gamification language offline as well. However, little to no research has been conducted considering the use of gamification language in al-Qaeda’s magazine Inspire. Even though al-Qaeda’s power has been weakened ever since the death of Osama bin Laden, a recent UN report of 2019 still warns that “Al-Qaeda senior leaders are strengthening the network’s global command structure and continuing to encourage attacks against the West” (US Intelligence Community, 2019, p.12). This research examines this question using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and gamification theory. Through this multimodal approach, this thesis analyses how al-Qaeda uses power relations through gamification language in order to create social identities and radicalize and recruit lone wolf terrorists.Show less
Recent insights have revealed that engagement with civil society can reinforce the effectiveness of counter-terrorism efforts. This study investigated when and to what extend the Dutch security and...Show moreRecent insights have revealed that engagement with civil society can reinforce the effectiveness of counter-terrorism efforts. This study investigated when and to what extend the Dutch security and intelligence services (Algemene Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst (AIVD)) started to recognise the importance of civil society based on their annual reports since the attacks of 9/11 (2001-2017). A documentary analysis of sixteen annual reports and additional documents, was used to measure the development in the extent to which civil society has played a role in countering radicalisation and terrorism in the Netherlands. Based on the reports published online by the Dutch secret and intelligence services since 9/11, this thesis found that there is surprisingly limited attention and interest for civil society. This study contributes to the existing discourse on engagement of civil society and counter-terrorism efforts, by performing an empirical study of annual reports published by the Internal Security and Intelligence Services in the case of the Netherlands. In addition, the issue investigated in this study provides insight into a real potential for improving our understanding of democratic counter-terrorism.Show less
The year 2010 inaugurated a tumultuous period for a range of countries in the Middle East and Northern Africa. Protests compelling for democratization culminated in violent clashes between rebels...Show moreThe year 2010 inaugurated a tumultuous period for a range of countries in the Middle East and Northern Africa. Protests compelling for democratization culminated in violent clashes between rebels and authoritarian regimes across the region. In response to the escalation of violence in Libya, an alliance of countries established a no-fly zone for halting the exorbitant regime violence against the rebels and the population. Shortly after, NATO took over command. A similar intervention in Syria did not occur, in spite of the widespread human rights violations and grave human suffering. A comparison between the cases of Libya and Syria sheds light on the factors that shaped the different international community responses to the conflicts and also contributes to the greater puzzle of why states intervene in some atrocities but not in others. This study found that a prime factor impacting humanitarian intervention occurrence in Libya and Syria is the UN Security Council’s task to provide authorization within a context of disputed legality of humanitarian interventions. In addition, it is concluded that UNSC member’s positions with respect to intervening were guided by their political interests and to a lesser extent by their economic interests. Finally, the anticipated outcomes of the two humanitarian intervention scenarios influenced intervention behavior, which explains why only one intervention was conducted. All these factors are indispensable components of an inclusive explanation for the different responses to the civil wars in Libya and Syria.Show less
Through quantative analysis Siri Aas Rustad and Helga Malmin Binningsbø, in their 2012 joint study ‘A price worth fighting for? Natural resources and conflict recurrence’, find that there is a...Show moreThrough quantative analysis Siri Aas Rustad and Helga Malmin Binningsbø, in their 2012 joint study ‘A price worth fighting for? Natural resources and conflict recurrence’, find that there is a significant correlation between conflict recurrence and conflicts over natural resource revenue distribution. This paper takes this study and tests whether their quantative findings can be applied to two cases. The aim of this paper is to gain a greater understanding of the motivations of actors who spoil peace agreements concerning petroleum conflicts. The motivations tested are economic grievance over distribution of oil, greed displayed by belligerents wanting a greater share of wealth than they are entitled to, and political motives of actors who use a recurrence of conflict to achieve or promote their political goals. The two case studies considered are the Aceh conflict concerning the breakdown of the 2002 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, and the Chechen conflict featuring the breakdown of the 1996 Khasavyurt Agreement and the peace process thereafter.Show less
External support to security sector reform (SSR) has emerged as a crucial instrument in international peacebuilding and state-building operations and is widely considered as the sine qua non of...Show moreExternal support to security sector reform (SSR) has emerged as a crucial instrument in international peacebuilding and state-building operations and is widely considered as the sine qua non of contemporary post-conflict reconstruction efforts in post-conflict or fragile states. Although SSR is considered as a core instrument of state-building and as a precondition for achieving peace and development, its record of achievement is quite limited. This thesis seeks to explain how the conventional SSR focus on state security undermines post-conflict transition and fails to enable an environment for sustainable peace and development. Based on the transition processes in Afghanistan and Timor Leste, this thesis argues that a state-centric approach to SSR is likely to be less effective in hybrid states and can even destabilise state recovery by protecting state institutions that are not embedded within society.Show less
Internationale belangenorganisaties die normen promoten spelen op zowel regionaal als internationaal niveau een steeds belangrijkere rol in beleidsdebatten (Keck en Sikkink 1999, 89-90). Daarom is...Show moreInternationale belangenorganisaties die normen promoten spelen op zowel regionaal als internationaal niveau een steeds belangrijkere rol in beleidsdebatten (Keck en Sikkink 1999, 89-90). Daarom is het van belang dat wordt onderzocht hoe internationale belangenorganisaties normen promoten. Bekend is dat internationale belangenorganisaties machtsmiddelen nodig hebben om normen middels beïnvloedingstactieken te promoten. Opmerkelijk genoeg wordt er in de literatuur over internationale betrekkingen geen duidelijk onderscheid tussen machtsmiddelen en beïnvloedingstactieken gemaakt. Hierdoor is de relatie tussen machtsmiddelen en beïnvloedingstactieken tot op heden niet uitvoerig onderzocht. Derhalve beschouwt dit onderzoek in hoeverre de hoeveelheid beschikbare machtsmiddelen van een internationale belangenorganisatie invloed heeft op de advocacy tactics die de internationale belangenorganisatie gebruikt. Deze relatie is onderzocht vanuit de resource mobilization theory: een theorie uit de literatuur over de transnationale burgermaatschappij die wel een duidelijk onderscheid tussen machtsmiddelen en beïnvloedingstactieken maakt. Aan de hand van een inhoudsanalyse en een aantal interviews is onderzocht welke varianten van advocacy tactics een internationale belangenorganisatie met relatief weinig machtsmiddelen (Room to Read) heeft gebruikt en welke varianten van advocacy tactics een internationale belangenorganisatie met relatief veel machtsmiddelen (UNESCO) heeft gebruikt ter promotie van educatie voor vrouwen. De bevindingen wijzen uit dat de hoeveelheid beschikbare machtsmiddelen waarover een internationale belangenorganisatie beschikt, geen invloed heeft op het gebruik van conventionele of onconventionele advocacy tactics. Dit geldt ook voor het gebruik van hefboomtactieken, verantwoordingstactieken, informatietactieken of symbolische tactieken. De hoeveelheid beschikbare machtsmiddelen van een internationale belangenorganisatie heeft daarentegen wel invloed op het gebruik van directe of indirecte advocacy tactics.Show less
This thesis attempts to investigate the extent to which the debate about the indivisibility principle has translated into in tandem state respect for Civil and Political rights and Social and...Show moreThis thesis attempts to investigate the extent to which the debate about the indivisibility principle has translated into in tandem state respect for Civil and Political rights and Social and Economic rights. Adapting and expanding on the ideas and methods proposed by Minkler and others, and building on the work of the CIRI data project and the SERF initiative, an empirical method is provided for the assessment of states’ de facto adhesion to the principle of indivisibility, which is enshrined in Human Rights law. Both global and country-specific longitudinal profiles of human rights respect are provided. The indivisibility thesis is tested via a series of numerical techniques. Furthermore, an empirical investigation is carried out to examine the extent to which human rights are in practice interdependent. In doing so, a bird’s-eye view analysis of states’ respect for human rights is provided. Results show that states’ practices in terms of upholding civil and political rights and fulfilling economic and social rights are neither frequently exercised, nor reveal any sort of dependence or reinforcing characteristic. In addition, although civil and political liberties are especially vulnerable, states that prioritized these rights seem just as concerned in fulfilling economic and social rights, whereas the opposite does not hold true. Finally, the pertinence and applications of the proposed methods and findings are discussed.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Why do some self-determination movements manage to achieve autonomy, while others fail to extract such salient concessions during peace negotiations? Although one would expect supporters of the...Show moreWhy do some self-determination movements manage to achieve autonomy, while others fail to extract such salient concessions during peace negotiations? Although one would expect supporters of the self-determination movement to unite in their struggle against the incumbent regime, recent literature has demonstrated that they tend to fight each other just as often as they fight the government in their competition for political relevance. Yet, little has been done to explain the effects such infighting has on the peace negotiations. Based on the comparison of the cases of Southern Sudan and Darfur, this study shows that more cohesive movements are able to extract much more salient concessions that address the conflict’s master cleavage and reflect the characteristics of a club good. The findings further suggest that fragmented movements tend to be paid off rather than yielded to by the incumbent government, thus rendering the achievement of peace utterly unattainable. Future research will have to examine whether these findings hold an explanatory power in contexts outside of Sudan.Show less
One of the foremost controversies apparent following the 2011 intervention in Libya, was the outcome of regime change. Critics charge the facilitation of the Gadaffi regime's overthrow was not...Show moreOne of the foremost controversies apparent following the 2011 intervention in Libya, was the outcome of regime change. Critics charge the facilitation of the Gadaffi regime's overthrow was not justifiable under the United Nations mandate, not justifiable under the prominent 'Responsibility to Protect' norm and may have undermined efforts to resolve the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Syria. However, it is asserted that in situations where intervention is undertaken to stop atrocities committed by a government, the removal of that regime is necessary in achieving its aims. In exploring this link between humanitarian intervention and regime change, this piece analyses how the academic literature can justify the enactment of regime change in instances of intervention. This relationship otherwise lacks a sustained analysis in the academic literature. Whilst regime change is often difficult to justify in instances of humanitarian intervention, and inevitably controversial, this analysis will demonstrate that it is also often a necessity in achieving an intervention's humanitarian goals.Show less
