This thesis has been done on the research question: what influence did U.S. public opinion have on the decisions made by the Johnson administration regarding U.S. foreign policy in Vietnam during...Show moreThis thesis has been done on the research question: what influence did U.S. public opinion have on the decisions made by the Johnson administration regarding U.S. foreign policy in Vietnam during and shortly after the Tet offensive (January 31, 1968 – March 31, 1968)? This research has been done through a literature analysis, including official documents. After this analysis, it became clear that the public did have an influence on the decisions to not send more troops to Vietnam, since it was mentioned many times in the official documents. However, this has been an indirect influence on state officials, who subsequently, chose to not send more troops to Vietnam, after the TET offensive.Show less
To what extent did China's accessioning the WTO in 2001, cause a shift towards protectionism in the Obama administration's economic policy towards Chinese imports?
The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s human rights record is among the worst in the world and has been globally condemned — especially by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the...Show moreThe Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s human rights record is among the worst in the world and has been globally condemned — especially by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the European Union and the United Nations. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is the source of mysteries and fantasies on the international stage when it comes to the topic of human rights. This thesis is an attempt to give a critical outlook on the situation in order to understand the major issues raised by the case of North Korean human rights. It will try show what causes this biased perception of North Korean human rights that we have in Occident by setting a theoretical framework, giving an overview of the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and analysing some of the main sources used to deal with human rights in North Korea. This study will conclude by saying that human rights in North Korea are indeed unique in many aspects and that they are not to be taken lightly. But the view that Occidental countries have on human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is twisted by a Western perspective that is the source of many fantasies and approximations regarding this country. Finally, we will see that the North Korean case echoes to a much broader problem in the international community.Show less
This thesis is a comparative case study on the reasons behind the negative European attitudes toward refugees in both the post-WWII European Refugee Crisis and the 21st-Century European Refugee...Show moreThis thesis is a comparative case study on the reasons behind the negative European attitudes toward refugees in both the post-WWII European Refugee Crisis and the 21st-Century European Refugee Crisis. By comparing the two crises it needs to become clear whether there is continuity in the negative European attitude toward refugees. The comparison mainly focusses on three real-world concerns: national security, national identity, and economic livelihood.Show less
States have used different justifications for acceding to the WTO, mostly through economic or security terms (or both). Considering the existing debates on economic interdependence, this thesis...Show moreStates have used different justifications for acceding to the WTO, mostly through economic or security terms (or both). Considering the existing debates on economic interdependence, this thesis seeks to explore to what extent Latvia and Yemen invoked security as a justification for joining the WTO. This question becomes relevant as we assess the existing positions regarding free trade. Proponents of free trade, either in academia or in government, have mostly mentioned and based their case upon economic gains, but many of those proponents have also put forward the importance of trade regarding economic interdependence and security. Indeed, a great part of the current literature in international political economy (IPE), as well as in security and conflict studies, argues that trade between countries is beneficial for security reasons, as it disincentives countries to go to war with a country with whom they benefit from through economic gains. To analyse state justifications, I am using Discourse Analysis (DA), which aims to inquire whether liberal and/or realist claims about the relationship between economic interdependence and security are in fact present in discursive and textual justifications made by states. Through the analysis of the discourse of foreign policy executives of Latvia and Yemen, this thesis has found that, indeed, FPEs and States often frame their discourse in terms of security when joining the GATT/WTO.Show less
Since the end of the Cold War, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation has transformed to expand its membership, bilateral relations, and operations across the globe, spearheaded by the U.S. As...Show moreSince the end of the Cold War, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation has transformed to expand its membership, bilateral relations, and operations across the globe, spearheaded by the U.S. As China has historically opposed military alliances and actions taken by the U.S. to contain its rise, this thesis seeks to establish the impact NATO's transformation has had on China.Show less
This thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political...Show moreThis thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political discourse of the Obama administration for securitization moves of the rise of China. This research provides a unique perspective on the US-China security relationship and adds to the understanding how language shapes the meaning of security as well as foreign policy. This thesis shows that in discourse of the foreign policy executives of the Obama administration between May and October 2015 there are substantial instances in which the rise of China is being discussed as a threat to US economic and military securities. In line of this threat discourse, security measures are promoted and legitimized. These are among others: investing in military technology development, supporting the Trans-Pacific Partnership, promoting Chinese economic reforms, and investment in developing cyber capabilities.Show less
The international community was startled by the 2016 US presidential election as it appeared disruptive for international order. The Republican candidate, Donald Trump, who was elected as President...Show moreThe international community was startled by the 2016 US presidential election as it appeared disruptive for international order. The Republican candidate, Donald Trump, who was elected as President, surprised friend and foe with his explicit rhetoric regarding the role of the US in world politics. The foreign policy ideas of the Democratic candidate, Hilary Clinton, are generally perceive as more in line with the status quo. Consequently, this research aims to analyze how the concept of American exceptionalism was framed to legitimization these foreign policies suggestions. The American exceptionalism narrative is in academia generally understood as an ongoing narrative in US identity that frames foreign policy discourse. Therefore, analyzing how the candidates frame this concept, allows to gain understanding in the development of this discourse. The exact research question this study addresses is: How was American exceptionalism framed differently by candidates to legitimize ideas of US foreign policy in the 2016 presidential campaign discourse? This study performs a quantitative discourse analysis of campaigns speeches by Trump and Clinton from the 2016 presidential election. In total 100 official speeches are studied, 50 from Trump’s campaign and 50 from Clinton’s campaign, ranging from three different time periods in the election. The concept of American exceptionalism is operationalized on two levels. The primary level concentrates on US identity in general and eventually entailed two frames: Superior (better) and Singular (unique). The secondary level emphasizes the role of the US in world politics and ultimately encompassed also two frames: Exemplarism (exemplar) and Expansionism (leader). Based on this operationalization, the findings signify that Trump refers more to the concept of American exceptionalism, and also increasingly during the election, but at the same time undermines it many times more than Clinton. How the candidates frame the concept to discuss particular foreign policy topics is surprisingly similar, as both utilizes the Expansionism frame for the topic of terrorism while generally preferring the Exemplarism frame for other foreign policy areas. All in all, Trump appears more explicit and outspoken in how he frames the concept, yet not per se very distinct compared to the framing by Clinton. This study therefore indicates homogeneity in the belief in American exceptionalism and how it is framed to legitimize foreign policy. Based on these findings limitations and avenues for future research are discussed.Show less
The battle of ideologies during the Cold War produced many theories dedicated to spreading one ideology or another to states which had yet to feature it. Liberal engagement theory is just such a...Show moreThe battle of ideologies during the Cold War produced many theories dedicated to spreading one ideology or another to states which had yet to feature it. Liberal engagement theory is just such a theory, and claims that a liberal state can transform a non-liberal state from the inside, causing it to liberalize itself. This is said to be achieved through economic and social influences. To test liberal engagement theory, this thesis employs an in-depth comparative analysis of two cases which feature a liberal state engaging or not engaging a state whose ideology the liberal state may want to change. The cases chosen were that of US-Cuba and US-China relations from 1960-1989 (the height of the Cold War). To measure liberalization in these cases, economic and political data was drawn from multiple sources. Through this research, it was concluded that in neither case was the liberal state able to liberalize the non-liberal state, either through engagement or attempts at isolation of the non-liberal regime. Still, engagement policies with non-liberal states should typically be pursued for the benefits and increased options that trade, communication, and diplomatic engagement can provide for a state.Show less
The Trans-Pacific Partnership has been hailed as a “21st century trade agreement” which aims to establish a regional regulatory framework. This thesis will explore how the TPP effects the "sticky...Show moreThe Trans-Pacific Partnership has been hailed as a “21st century trade agreement” which aims to establish a regional regulatory framework. This thesis will explore how the TPP effects the "sticky power" of the United States in the Asia Pacific.Show less
In this thesis, the American presidential discourse has been subjected to analysis to determine how the presidential discourse regarding terrorism has developed during the presidency of George W....Show moreIn this thesis, the American presidential discourse has been subjected to analysis to determine how the presidential discourse regarding terrorism has developed during the presidency of George W. Bush and the presidency of Barack Obama. To this end, literature has been reviewed that focused on establishing whether a discursive transformation had occurred between both presidencies. In this review, the theory of Foucault regarding discursive transformation appeared to reoccur. Thus, in the following chapter the theory of Foucault regarding discourse was discussed. Based on this theory, it was established that to analyze the presidential discourse, predicates in presidential speeches would be analyzed. The ensuing analytical chapters, consequently, focused on the reproduction of the concept terrorism through analyzing statements regarding the cause, aim and actors of terrorism and through relating these statement to statements regarding foreign policy during the presidency of George W. Bush and the presidency of Barack Obama and on comparing and contrasting the reproduction of the concept terrorism during both presidencies. Overall, the analysis appeared to indicate that while linguistically the style of the presidents varied while discussing the concept terrorism, the discursively constructed message did not change.Show less
This thesis examines how US foreign policy behavior affects legitimacy of the ICC since the events of September 9/11, 2001 on American soil. Since the establishment of the International Criminal...Show moreThis thesis examines how US foreign policy behavior affects legitimacy of the ICC since the events of September 9/11, 2001 on American soil. Since the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2002, a hot topic under debate concerns its usefulness for international individual prosecution. The jurisdiction of the ICC consists of specific offence crimes namely, the prosecution of individuals committing genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of aggression. Supporters in favor of the debate argue that the ICC serves as a useful tool and thus is accountable for creating coherence in terms of justice, peace and stability. In contrast, challengers do not recognize the ICC as a useful institute to achieve more order and to realize effective prosecution of individuals worldwide. As one of the challengers, the United States decided not to ratify the established ICC in its current structure. The US accuses the ICC of being a bearer to disorder in international prosecution of individuals. Moreover, the legitimacy of the ICC remains questioned and therefore, its sustainability. For a significant part, the sustainability of the ICC seems dependent on consent of its support and its legitimacy.Show less
