This thesis argues that the invasion of Iraq in 2003 as part of the War on Terror declared by President Bush in the aftermath of 9/11 can be seen in the light of American Exceptionalism. American...Show moreThis thesis argues that the invasion of Iraq in 2003 as part of the War on Terror declared by President Bush in the aftermath of 9/11 can be seen in the light of American Exceptionalism. American Exceptionalism has actively been used as a discursive tool to justify US foreign intervention in the past. By looking at the historical context of American Exceptionalism one will see how American Exceptionalism originated, how it was adapted and how it was often manipulated by prominent figures in a way that served national interests throughout time. Myths and illusions surrounding American Exceptionalism were created which became part of a discourse that shaped and strengthened US national identity over the centuries. However, in the aftermath of 9/11, these pre-existing beliefs were shattered and a national identity crisis followed. Nonetheless, President Bush managed to once again accommodate and reaffirm the pre-existing national truths and to simultaneously reshape and reform them in a way that made American Exceptionalism become a state fantasy. The discourse surrounding this state fantasy became an important tool for President Bush to justify the US invasion of Iraq in 2003.Show less
Since the ratification of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the United States has moved towards a policy of trade liberalization that endeavors to retain its leading position in the...Show moreSince the ratification of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the United States has moved towards a policy of trade liberalization that endeavors to retain its leading position in the global economy. Partly due to the self-interest of the United States, the Doha Round has failed. This essay elaborates on the foreign trade relations of the United States and discusses the chronology, objectives and failure of the Doha Round. Three arguments are presented for why the United States' trade liberalization policy has changed and caused the Doha Round to fail. The first argument explains the protectionist strategy of the United States regarding its agricultural sector. The second argument goes into the emerging economies that are threatening the leading position of the United States. The third and final argument points out alternative negotiations on trade, for example the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the Trans-Pacific Partnership, that have partly replaced the objectives of the Doha Round on a regional level.Show less
As research on sexual orientation progresses to new frontiers, the problem of bisexuality as a multifaceted sexual orientation, and difficulties in terms of measuring it, has become a greater issue...Show moreAs research on sexual orientation progresses to new frontiers, the problem of bisexuality as a multifaceted sexual orientation, and difficulties in terms of measuring it, has become a greater issue in pop culture, research communities and political dialogue (Badgett, iv). Sexual psychologists and researchers have struggled to measure multi-sex and/or -gender attractions as they are variable in a way heterosexuality and homosexuality are not. Heterosexuality and homosexuality imply attraction to only one sex and/or gender, and so multi-sex and/or gender attractions have created a discourse on how to measure their variability. Given that sexual orientation is treated as a matter of demographics, it is important to be consistent when discussing sexual orientation; this entails being critical of conceptualizations of sexual orientation and measures used operationally, in order to determine the strengths and weaknesses of various measures in practice (Sell, 355). A central problem in measures of bisexuality in research is two-fold; first, there is literature suggesting that “researchers are often confused as to what they are studying when they assess sexual orientation” (Sell, 355). The second issue follows this claim in that researchers make generalized and thereby essentialist assumptions about bisexuality. They tend to assume that bisexuality as a concept is understood the same way by all research and civilian populations (Tannenbaum, ii). As it happens, researchers tend to make two assumptions: that their methods of measuring bisexuality are valid, and that their definitions are applicable in all social contexts (Tannenbaum, 6). In practice there is no method of measuring bisexuality that is universally applicable in research, which has created problems in terms of lack of continuity across research. Because of this, results are not necessarily comparable because of these often drastic differences. Tannenbaum has reviewed the problem of various terms’ connotations across disciplines; this includes terms such as fantasy, social preference, sex role identity, etc. (ii-iii). Tannenbaum also found that only self-identified sexual orientation label, emotional preference and time (in the context of sexual orientation surveys) maintained their meaning between sexual orientation researchers and laypeople (ii-iii). Due to the lack of continuous measures and meanings of terminology across sexual orientation research, results from these studies are currently not comparable. This paper seeks to address the absence of a universal form of measurement by reviewing the history of measuring bisexuality. It will then examine the core dimensions presented in previous research, and present a case study using a revised Klein Sexual Orientation Grid (KSOG). The case study will be used to demonstrate certain core dimensions used in research and their application in the sexual orientation research community. This paper aims to show, through the use of a case study, that a KSOG can be revised to remove the heterosexual/homosexual binary. This could then be used to measure and display differences in notions of multi-sex and/or -gender attractions, as well as show the variability of different components common in measuring sexual orientation. By creating a grid as opposed to a continuum, the multi-dimensional aspects of the KSOG avoid the dichotomy of bisexuality being somewhere between homosexual and heterosexual. The data used in the case study was collected in previous research entitled “Structural Changes Organizations Can Implement to Provide Bisexuals with Visibility and Social Comfort” (Leslie, 2016). This paper will then address the various core dimensions in sexual orientation research, discussing the positive and negative aspects of each; by doing this, the application of various dimensions in the context of sexual orientation research will be addressed. Following this, suggestions for future applications in measuring multi-sex and/or gender attractions will be discussed. The next section will survey previous literature and the history of measuring bisexuality, in order to review the methods already used, and to discuss the applicability of these measures.Show less
An overview of the difficulties encountered whilst attempting to implement employment discrimination legislation for LGBT people in the United States in the past three decades, and an analysis of...Show moreAn overview of the difficulties encountered whilst attempting to implement employment discrimination legislation for LGBT people in the United States in the past three decades, and an analysis of what effective legislation should look like in the future.Show less
Despite economic progress, Mexico is commonly illustrated by mainstream US media and many politicians in terms of extreme brutality of Mexican drug cartels. It further juxtaposes vicious cartels...Show moreDespite economic progress, Mexico is commonly illustrated by mainstream US media and many politicians in terms of extreme brutality of Mexican drug cartels. It further juxtaposes vicious cartels against the virtuous United States, which has devoted billions of dollars to fighting organized crime in Mexico. However, the mainstream account is misleading; the United States has also used its aid programs to strengthen its hegemony over Mexico. This paper argues that the United States’ involvement in the Mexican War on Drugs has been to a significant degree motivated by political and economic interests, whose advancement strengthens US hegemony over Mexico, and which have also helped exacerbate the drug-related violence. Implicit interferences of the United States in Mexico have been legitimized through discourses of Mexican racial inferiority, criminality, and vice. This thesis looks at three broad areas - culture, politics, and economics - and tries to elucidate US interests in respect to the Mexican War on Drugs.Show less
