Vladimir Putin has become one of the most significant Russian leaders. He has been at the head of the largest country in the world for nearly twenty years and has brought autocracy, according to...Show moreVladimir Putin has become one of the most significant Russian leaders. He has been at the head of the largest country in the world for nearly twenty years and has brought autocracy, according to his critics, and stability, according to his supporters. This research will remain focused on Putinism as an influential mechanism on other heads of state, informing the research question: To what extent has Putinism influenced the policies of Viktor Yanukovych and Ramzan Kadyrov from the year 2000? This topic is relevant as Putin’s charisma does play a severely important role in modern geopolitics, which has affected not only political opinions, but also wars and revolutions such as the Euromaidan Revolution, the annexation of Crimea and the war with Chechnya. Putinism is therefore presented as the theoretical framework of this research. For the purpose of this thesis, a comparative case analysis is put in practice, using the cases of Ukraine and Chechnya in order to answer the research question. Lastly, the conclusion will sum up the findings proving that both Yanukovych and Kadyrov were heavily influenced by Putinism.Show less
Sastrowijoto, Laurens Pepijn Henricus Helenius 2020
This thesis focuses on the different forms of Realism in the field of International Relations; Classical Realism, Neorealism and Neoclassical Realism. With Neoclassical Realism being the most...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the different forms of Realism in the field of International Relations; Classical Realism, Neorealism and Neoclassical Realism. With Neoclassical Realism being the most recent addition, researched is why and to what extent it may be more suitable to analyse Russia’s FP with a focus on Crimea’s annexation, compared to its predecessors.Show less
This paper re-examines the notions of security and sovereignty within international relations theory in the digital age. As the ongoing information revolution has strained the traditional notions...Show moreThis paper re-examines the notions of security and sovereignty within international relations theory in the digital age. As the ongoing information revolution has strained the traditional notions of security and sovereignty, a new framework is necessary to incorporate these new developments. This paper proposes a network framework to accomplish this.Show less
With a fast changing climate, it is important that the biggest economies are involved in altering climate change. China is the second largest economy and the biggest emitter of green house gasses,...Show moreWith a fast changing climate, it is important that the biggest economies are involved in altering climate change. China is the second largest economy and the biggest emitter of green house gasses, and therefor of utter importance in the fight against climate change. But the question is, is China indeed taking its responsibility?Show less
The trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed....Show moreThe trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed. 2009:3), stresses China its focus on economic win-win situations (Hackenesch, 2011). Yet, as the EU and China have increasing shared interests, a more pragmatic approach to their foreign policies is emerging. China is slowly engaging with normative principles, for instance it has accepted the universality of human rights and has joined several international human rights conventions. The state is more open to normative principles, even though China promotes sovereignty and collective rights over international intervention and individual rights (Pu, 2013). A more pragmatic approach to foreign policy can enable and support trilateral cooperation in explicit areas such as security. Examples of currently existing trilateral cooperation are the joint fight against piracy in the Gulf of Aden, measures against the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW) and the peacekeeping mission in Mali. Also, the EU currently discusses China’s novel initiative for a modern-day silk road, known as the ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative and which has been called “the most ambitious infrastructure-based security initiative in the world today”. The title of this work ‘Here Be Dragons’ refers to unexplored and ‘dangerous’ gaps between the EU’s capabilities and its expectations. The purpose of the thesis is to examine the EU’s foreign policy performance, in particular its response to China’s growing presence in Africa, through the lens of the capability-expectations gap theory. According to Hill, a gap exists between what the EU ‘talks about’ and what the EU actually is able to accomplish. This study investigates how the EU’s agenda on trilateral cooperation with China and Africa changed since the entering in to force of the Lisbon Treaty, whether a capability-expectations gap exist regarding the EU’s security relations with China in Africa, and if so, how the EU could establish more effective cooperation the field of security and thus close this gap.Show less
Regionalism and independence movements are rising in the European Union. Referendums have been held in Scotland and Catalonia of which only the referendum in Scotland was legally binding. The...Show moreRegionalism and independence movements are rising in the European Union. Referendums have been held in Scotland and Catalonia of which only the referendum in Scotland was legally binding. The Scottish people voted NO to independence, while the referendum in Catalonia, which was illegal according to the Spanish constitution, showed a clear YES vote. These developments show various differences in the way how and why the independence movements seek the goal of independence. Both Catalonia and Scotland want the same, becoming independent and become a member of the European Union. These two case studies are extensively analyzed, using qualitative research, discourse analysis and the method of process tracing. Findings reveal that regional disparities, historical en cultural past, which are encouraged by the Euro crisis, are important motives for the regions seeking independence. While seeking independence these regions state that self-determination of the people living in those regions, is a fundamental issue which should give them access to the European Union. Self-determination of regions however exists in a tense relation with the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity that form the foundation of the international system of states. This is why the European Union has made more of less clear statements that continued membership for regions, seceding from an European Union member state, is not possible. The European Union commented on this issue most notably through Romano Prodi, Vivine Reding and José-Manuel Barroso that secession of a part of the territory of a Member State entails an automatic exit of that territory from the European Union. These comments were political, non-juridical, in nature. Of course there are juridical consequences too. Secession by its very nature implies conflict with the legal framework of the European Union. The fact is that there are no provisions in European Union law or treaties on secession of regions from European Union member states. Besides there are negative consequences involved for the people of the regions the European Union and its institutions if a region becomes independent, which effects I shall point out in this thesis. There are alternative ways to resolve or to diminish the regional strive for secession. Possibly devolution of powers and decentralization would be a democratic alternative too.Show less
The rise of Islamic State in the Middle East and the growing levels of religiously motivated attacks by European-born Muslims have illustrated a rising radicalisation trend in those domestic...Show moreThe rise of Islamic State in the Middle East and the growing levels of religiously motivated attacks by European-born Muslims have illustrated a rising radicalisation trend in those domestic communities. This points towards some of the results of integration policies in the European Union, thus demonstrating a necessity for a re-examination of those initiatives in the context of the current political and social environment. This is especially relevant for Britain and France who are amongst the countries with the biggest Muslim communities in the European Union. Therefore, this paper will use those two countries as case studies and examine how their domestic social and political environment has shaped the identity of their Muslim communities. The paper will also examine the various initiatives that both the British and French governments have tried to introduce to facilitate the integration of those groups. The analysis will likewise encompass the impact that those policies have on the wider population. As a secondary case study, this paper will explore the capabilities and limitations imposed on the EU by the Treaties (Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union and Treaties of the European Union).Show less
The year 2014 was the year when a slowly simmering conflict between the West and Russia dramatically escalated. This conflict has been framed as a return to the hostilities of the Cold War; however...Show moreThe year 2014 was the year when a slowly simmering conflict between the West and Russia dramatically escalated. This conflict has been framed as a return to the hostilities of the Cold War; however the conflict has much older roots that pre-date the Soviet regime (1917-1991) by centuries. The relationship between Russia and its European rivals has been one of antagonism and grudging cooperation since the eighteenth century. Yet, it is not Russia’s historical foreign relations that are the focus of this study, but Russia’s current ambitions and the weapon it uses to undermine its Western rivals, namely encouraging the growth of nationalism and the far right in Europe, while Russia pursues an Eurasionist project with former Soviet states. Within the European Union anti-Western nationalism driven by the radical right and Russian influence is most visible in France, Hungary and Greece. This paper will analyse the extent and motivations of this relationship and how this relates to Russia’s Eurasian geopolitics.Show less
