Since the independence of its former colonies in the 1960s, France has launched more than 50 military interventions in Africa. When President Hollande took office in 2012, he promised to break with...Show moreSince the independence of its former colonies in the 1960s, France has launched more than 50 military interventions in Africa. When President Hollande took office in 2012, he promised to break with this military interventionism and reduce the French military presence on the African continent. A year later, French troops were deployed in Mali and the Central African Republic. What explains this dramatic turnaround? This paper intends to shed light on the drivers behind France’s military interventionism in Africa in the 21st century. Drawing on presidential speeches and a strategic document, it demonstrates that status considerations significantly influenced President Hollande’s decisions to launch military interventions in Africa. More precisely, this military interventionism constitutes a central tenet of France’s grandeur policy, which has formed the bedrock of the French foreign policy since the 1960s. It allows France to maintain its place among the great powers of this world and advance its global and regional geopolitical agenda.Show less
Decisions over the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in the EU have been historically confined to the European Council and thus the European member states (EU MS). Nonetheless, the European...Show moreDecisions over the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in the EU have been historically confined to the European Council and thus the European member states (EU MS). Nonetheless, the European Commission (EC) finds itself increasingly involved in security and defense policy integration. This gradual yet certain shifting of power from the intergovernmental to supranational level within the EU's CSDP remains a gap in the literature. So far, the literature has acknowledged the relevant role of the European Commission in the integration of "low politics" policy areas like trade. However, it has neglected the role of the European Commission in "high politics" policy areas like security and defense. This paper investigates the research question: to what extent is the European Commission a relevant actor in EU security and defense integration? The paper argues for an increasingly relevant position of the European Commission, particularly within the EU's security policy integration. Specifically, this paper adopts a historical neo-institutionalist theory, process tracing methodology, and an interpretivist approach. It bases its analysis of the CSDP's developments on a longitudinal case study design from 2009 to today. It concludes that the EC is a relevant actor in the EU's security policy integration but not yet one for the EU's defense policy integration.Show less
Taiwan’s international status appears to be one of the most likely scenarios over which war between the U.S. and China could break out. It is, therefore, important to explore why China has defined...Show moreTaiwan’s international status appears to be one of the most likely scenarios over which war between the U.S. and China could break out. It is, therefore, important to explore why China has defined Taiwanese independence or even perpetual maintenance of the status quo as a ‘red line’ and, thus, integration of Taiwan into China as a prime objective. This thesis ap proaches that question by employing a Neoclassical Realist-Constructivist hybrid as a theoret ical framework and identifying dual legitimacy of authoritarian regimes as the imperative that informs foreign policy decision-making of ‘Calculative Revisionist’ great powers. This makes the Taiwan issue both a case study and an important scenario. Furthermore, the thesis com bines the exploration of factors of dual legitimacy with a probability/risk-assessment of poten tial options for implementing China’s objective of Taiwanese integration or, at least, preven tion of formal independence.Show less
