This thesis assesses the role and interaction of different actors in the redevelopment process for Kampong Bharu. The paper probes which factors have contributed to Kampong Bharu’s ability to...Show moreThis thesis assesses the role and interaction of different actors in the redevelopment process for Kampong Bharu. The paper probes which factors have contributed to Kampong Bharu’s ability to withstand redevelopment efforts. This paper argues that in spite of resident’s rhetoric, the process of redevelopment is not adequately explained as the local community challenging the power of the Malay state to preserve heritage over embracing modernity. Rather, it is better understood as a market exchange between group of individual residents who have not sold their land as they continue to seek a price which adequately compensates them for the inconvenience of moving, and for the likelihood that they will not be able to return.Show less
China is a rising power, something that has become increasingly evident in the South China Sea dispute in the past decade. In 2009, China for the first time officially and unilaterally declared...Show moreChina is a rising power, something that has become increasingly evident in the South China Sea dispute in the past decade. In 2009, China for the first time officially and unilaterally declared sovereignty over a large part of the South China Sea (SCS). At that time, both the biggest and smallest states of the region, Indonesia and Singapore, did not belong to the so-called ‘claimant states’. However, the increased tension in the SCS as a consequence of China’s maritime expansion leads to both states being affected by this dispute. Therefore, this thesis aims to examine the question ‘’How and why have Indonesia and Singapore responded to the increased Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea, despite both initially not being claimant states?’’ Outlining the developments in the South China Sea and looking at the dimensions of economic relations and domestic political factors, this thesis will try to explain the responses of Indonesia and Singapore to an increasingly assertive China in the South China Sea in the past decade. What could be concluded is that while Singapore and, to a greater extent, Indonesia are economically increasingly dependent on China, which could lead to turning a blind eye to China’s behaviour in the SCS, the two Southeast Asian states have instead increasingly criticized China in the past decade in order to go against its growing assertive behaviour. This response comes out of dynamics in domestic politics that does not allow the two states to behave submissively.Show less
Bachelor thesis | South and Southeast Asian Studies (BA)
closed access
In recent years Indonesia faced some challenges with regards to feminism and Islam. Islam and feminism are two terms which are assumed to be incompatible according to the Muslim community. Before...Show moreIn recent years Indonesia faced some challenges with regards to feminism and Islam. Islam and feminism are two terms which are assumed to be incompatible according to the Muslim community. Before the start of the Jokowi-era in 2014 the Indonesian feminist movement was gradually taking place and Indonesian Islam was modestly acquainted with feminism. This progressive spirit reached its peak with the implementation by the government of the 30% gender quota in 2004 with which women obtained more political involvement. This showed that the government aimed at empowering women and strived for more gender equality. Until recently a mildly progressive development with respect to women’s participation is still taking place. Several other organizations and institutions support the pro-feminist movement. Yet, as it is, the feminist progressive spirit has also known a certain backlash since 2014. In this thesis my research will show how the relation between Islam and feminism in Indonesia has changed during the last 5 years and consequently what challenges the Indonesian religious feminist movement is facing. I will focus on the recent events, struggles and the coinciding ongoing debates. Firstly, I will focus on the by government implemented gender quota system and its pitfalls. Secondly, I will briefly discuss the various organizations and institutions that contribute to Indonesian feminist movement and are linked to the recent KUPI-congress which provides us information about the specific Indonesian ‘religious’ feminist movement. Thirdly, I will cover the debate about the Elimination of the Sexual Violence Bill which gives us insights in what the pro-feminist spirit and the anti-feminist wave have to contend with. Finally, I will discuss the Islamic sources and the contextual interpretation of the scriptures that dictate how Indonesian women should dress in the public sphere and act in in the political arena. These different aspects of my research will answer the question: “How has the relation between Islam and feminism changed since the start of the Jokowi-era in 2014?” Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
On the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party...Show moreOn the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party for the second time, the first in 2014. Less than two weeks after the victory, the re-elected President announced its intention to relocate the nation's capital from Jakarta, located in Java island, to a greenfield site on the island of Kalimantan. In this thesis, I use Twitter communication emanating from the Indonesian Ministry of National Development Planning and the office of the President to dissect the official rationale for this historic initiative and to investigate on the political and ideological discourse surrounding it. What is the Indonesian government trying to achieve through this project? What ideals and political priorities does it reflect? Is there consistency in the official discourse? My analysis is both quantitative and qualitative; it is quantitative because I used large numbers of tweets to measure the frequency which a variety of terms is used to describe both the desirable characteristics of the new capital, and the undesirable aspects of the old one. It is partly qualitative because I investigated and critically reflected on the results found on Twitter to understand better the motifs behind the decision of moving the capital, and be able to answer my research questions. The results show that Jakarta has been abandoned because it does not represent the Indonesian aspirations of modernity, reflected on the smart, sustainable and green imaginaries that the new capital will promote. Indeed, the tweet analysis revealed that these three elements are the most desirable features for the new capital of Indonesia and are the emblem of the type of modernity and progress that the Indonesian government is aspiring to. This is confirmed by the fact that the mentions to smart, green and sustainable are not clear nor justified. These terms appear to be used as buzzwords, almost as if it they were interchangeable. In conclusion, I argue that these features are all instrumental for expressing modernity and progress (Maju). This is the real objective of the government. “The city of dreams”, as I renamed it, imagines a flawless and perfect city, symbol of the progress of the whole country; the truth is that it is only a symbol, and the country will not progress in smartness, greenness, sustainability and equality if not through real policies and measures that tackle the local problems. Besides these attributes, the government claimed that the new capital would bring to more regional equality and economic growth. In this regard, the Indonesian government has also tweeted about Brasilia and its similarities with the new Indonesian capital, praising the design and the outcome of the project; like Brasilia, the new capital is seen as a means to cope with ongoing economic imbalance among the different regions of Indonesia. Although regional equality is, of course, an issue that the government needs to tackle, the increase of GDP outside Java will not benefit the whole population unless there is a real will to tackle inequality not only geographically but also across income groups. Besides, it is essential to remember that the gap between the rich and the poor in Jakarta is substantial and moving the capital will not represent a solution to this problem. Furthermore, the comparison with Brasilia was fundamental to notice a crucial vii paradox in the project of Ibu Kota Baru: by promoting a modern and futuristic capital, Ibu Kota Baru implicitly indicates a refusal of existing conditions of Indonesia, just as like Brasilia did. To conclude, it is important to mention that this thesis is about ideology. In essence, it does not seek to analyse the hidden personal interests and oligarchic business strategies on the project of the capital, although this has been briefly pointed out. The ultimate aim is to dissect the official rhetoric and rationale that surround this project to find the political ideals and desirable features that the project reflects, and inconsistencies in the discourse.Show less
The World Health Organisation has estimated that smoking kills approximately 7 million people per year worldwide (WHO, 2017: 70). The relationship between smoking tobacco and death has been proven,...Show moreThe World Health Organisation has estimated that smoking kills approximately 7 million people per year worldwide (WHO, 2017: 70). The relationship between smoking tobacco and death has been proven, and widely accepted for decades. Notwithstanding the detrimental effects on public health, this unhealthy habit may also have some positive effects: oiling social contacts, easing the nerves, and heighten concentration (Knol in Colombijn et al., 2001: 49). However, whereas concentration and relaxation may be obtained through other means, a cure for death is yet to be found. As such, it is clear that we shall approach the act of smoking in this thesis as unwanted behaviour. Thankfully, owning to big scale awareness campaigns, and an ongoing global increase in taxation rates, daily smoking rates in most OECD countries have significantly decreased over the past few decades, with currently an average rate of 18% of daily smokers, compared to 26% daily smokers in 2000 (OECD, 2017). In some parts of Asia however, smoking remains a growth market and big transnational tobacco corporations (TTCs) still seems to have their claws firmly set in a number of nations (Parkinson, 2015). In terms of male smoking prevalence, Indonesia is by far the world’s worst performer with a national male smoking prevalence of 76.2%, leaving other bad examples, like Russia (59.0%), and China (47.6%) far behind (WHO, 2015). When accounting for the significantly lower female smoking rates (3.6%) Indonesia’s average smoking prevalence is still one of the highest in the world, preceded only by Russia, and a mere handful of countries in the Balkan region and the Pacific Ocean (Ibid.). This apparent vulnerability to the unhealthy habbit has not gone unnoticed by big tobacco, illustrated by the recent takeovers of Indonesian tobacco companies by global market leaders like Philip Morris International (PMI) and the British American Tobacco Company (BAT). Another factor contributing to the alarming severity of Indonesia’s smoking addiction are its demographic projections. Indonesia is currently sitting on a large demographic dividend, and the population is projected to grow with another 70 million by 2050 (Kohler, Behrman & Arianto, 2015: 4). Seeing that most beginner smokers are children or young adolescents, it is paramount that this surplus of human capital is protected in a country were smoking regulations are still below par (Parkinson, 2015). An alarming study found that between 2001 and 2010, the number of children (10-14) who smoked, rose by 80 percent and the number of children (5-9), who started smoking, quadrupled (Rosser, 2015: 69). A more recent study, by the Indonesian Ministry of Health, showed that between 2013 and 2018, smoking prevalence among children (10-18) increased from 7.2% to 9.1% (Ministry of Health, 2018: 72), and the 2015 Global School-based Student Health Survey calculated an even more alarming number for the age group 13-17 at 13.60% smoking prevalence (WHO, 2015: 5). A slightly less pronounced, though, still alarming increase in young smokers. In order to explain the uphill battle which Indonesia seems to be fighting in the face of such a major public health crisis, I will compare Indonesia’s performance with one of its Southeast Asian neighbours boasting far lower numbers in terms of smoking prevalence, namely Thailand. In 2018, Thailand solidified its position as the leader in tobacco restrictions, when it became the first Asian country to require a standardized packaging for all cigarettes. The new legislation requires all cigarette products to be sold in drab brown coloured packs, free of any logos or brand images, with 85 percent pictorial health warnings on both sides of the pack (Southeast Asia Tobacco Control Alliance, 2018). It has been suggested by Thai specialists, like Duncan McCargo, that Thailand’s successes in tobacco control could serve as a case study for other developing nations (Chantornvong & McCargo, 2001: 48; Parkinson, 2015: 3). And indeed, in contrast to Indonesia, were men still puff away freely in almost any given location whether it be in a restaurant, air-conditioned coffeehouse, or school, Thailand seems well able to keep smoking outside of most public places, with heavy fines (a penalty fee for smoking in prohibited areas amounts to THB 5.000, although at the time of writing, the previous fee of THB 2000 is still in use), a number of awareness campaigns, and a national ban on advertisement. Don’t walk and smoke It is already past 2:00 a.m. when we exit the big 24/7 supermarket with a new drab coloured pack of cigarettes. Bangkok, the city that never sleeps, seems to have fallen into a bit of a slumber around the usually bustling street of Ekkamai. Located close to Sukkumvit road, most of the activity in this part of one of the richer districts in Bangkok seems to shut its eye’s around 1:00 a.m. The party continues further north up the street, where Soi Ekkamai meets Thong Lor on a small strip that forms a bridge between Bangkok’s wealthy sons and daughters of media tycoons, business moguls, and the handful of foreign tourists who dared venture outside the backpackers capital that is Khaosan road. Sand, who I regard as an example of emancipated female Bangkokians, looks at the fresh merchandise in my hand. We both light one up. As I am about to head into the direction of my apartment she stops me. “Ee, mai dai! (cannot)” She says. I ask her what seems to be the problem. “It’s just not polite”. She looks at the few people still hanging around the supermarket. Seconds after we light the cigarettes two people exiting the supermarket cross our path, making Sand throw an apologetic look into their direction.Show less
In the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for...Show moreIn the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for financial aid. On the one hand, Chinese influence is associated with economic development in the country. On the other hand, this influence is associated with violations of human rights and sustainable negligence. Therefore, this paper answers the question, ‘’why do English-language Cambodian newspapers differ in expressing their views towards the Sino-Cambodian relationship?’’. As such, this paper demonstrates the interplay between the Cambodian political economy, media ownership and the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in English-language Cambodian newspapers. This paper examines articles from three different newspapers and deploys a discourse analysis as a tool for understanding. Linking the findings to the context, this study demonstrates how a critical tone and a lack of emphasis on Cambodian reciprocity in the Sino-Cambodian relationship can affect ownership of a newspaper and how this has consequences for the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in the articles published.Show less
This thesis examined a largely unknown era (1680-1860) in the history of North Sulawesi. A revised model of the social history of the region has been proposed on the basis of the VOC ...Show moreThis thesis examined a largely unknown era (1680-1860) in the history of North Sulawesi. A revised model of the social history of the region has been proposed on the basis of the VOC 'visitatierapporten'. By focusing on how Christianity altered the social and political structures of the region (gender, social class, educational institutions, chiefly patronage networks), this thesis has demonstrated that it is possible to reconstruct the 'internal' history of North Sulawesi, in spite of a scarcity of local historical sources. Significant findings include 1) the social fluidity of 'class' in North Sulawesi societies, 2) the fact that Christianity was not limited to elite classes, as had hitherto been thought and 3) that (some) women transformed their former role as 'animist' religious specialists to roles of prominence within the Christian community.Show less
Ongoing conflict in Kachin State between the military and ethnic separatists - the KIA/O - has been argued in the literature to be fuelled by an array of factors. While some authors have argued...Show moreOngoing conflict in Kachin State between the military and ethnic separatists - the KIA/O - has been argued in the literature to be fuelled by an array of factors. While some authors have argued that issues of language are central to the continuation of ethnic violence, this thesis disputes this and employs an alternative framework for understanding why ethnic conflict persists in the era of Myanmar democratisation. This thesis argues that in the current renewed Kachin conflict, other issues are more crucial in fuelling the conflict. Martin Smith proposes in his 2007 paper State of Strife: The Dynamics of Ethnic Conflict in Burma, that the dynamics of ethnic conflict are cyclical in nature, with continuing violence being fuelled by continued military rule, ongoing military offensives, widespread military atrocities and a lack of guaranteed ethnic rights in Myanmar’s constitution. This thesis proposes that Myanmar, particularly in Kachin State, has entered a sixth cycle of ethnic conflict, and that the current ethnic conflict in Kachin state is fundamentally fuelled by these four criteria.Show less
Bachelor thesis | South and Southeast Asian Studies (BA)
closed access
The high number of extrajudicial killings during the regime of President Rodrigo Duterte raises the question of how populism is causing democratic regression in the Philippines.
Bachelor thesis | South and Southeast Asian Studies (BA)
open access
2018-08-31T00:00:00Z
The year 2018 marks the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Suharto regime. likewise, it marks the reawakening of customary rights (adat) in Indonesian politics. In this thesis, I aim to place two...Show moreThe year 2018 marks the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Suharto regime. likewise, it marks the reawakening of customary rights (adat) in Indonesian politics. In this thesis, I aim to place two of Indonesia's main seafaring communities, namely: the Orang Suku Laut and the Sama Bajau, in the debate surrounding this revival of tradition in Indonesian politics. In the first chapter, I analyse how the history of the Sama and the Orang Laut have positioned these communities in the Indonesian society, and whether or not stereotypes surrounding their communities have made it more difficult for them to profit from the recognition of customary rights. In chapter 2, I draw parallels between the Sama and the Orang Laut in the ways that their nomadic lifestyle has resulted in intangible forms of culture, making it harder for them to assert claims over territory. In this chapter I also show how their distinct cultural and religious identity contribute to their marginal status Indonesia. In the last chapter, I argue that Indonesia's sea nomads partial inability to participate in the reassertion of customary rights is rooted in a multitude of factors, including: the hegemony of environmental motives surrounding customary rights' advocacy groups, the difficulty of claiming ownership over land, and civil rights under the pressure of statelessness, and the difficulty of affirming sea-based and coastal territory in land disputes under the hegemony of regional developmentalism. I stress the difference between their respective territories, which presents each community with a distinct adversary in their struggle for the recognition of customary land rights.Show less
This thesis looks at what the regional institutions of the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have done to promote regional identities and whether or not these strategies...Show moreThis thesis looks at what the regional institutions of the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have done to promote regional identities and whether or not these strategies have been successful.Show less
Since the beginning of the 20th century, when Indonesia was not yet independent, Indonesian students' associations have played a major role in the nation building. The founding fathers Mohammad...Show moreSince the beginning of the 20th century, when Indonesia was not yet independent, Indonesian students' associations have played a major role in the nation building. The founding fathers Mohammad Hatta (the later vice-president), Dr. Soetomo, Sutan Sjahrir, and Achmad Soebardjo who studied in the Netherlands actively discussed Indonesian identity and the independence in an organisation called Perhimpoenan Indonesia (PI, Indonesian Association), which was reintroduced in 1925 after being originally established in 1908 under the name Indische Vereeniging. Firstly formed as a social club, the PI was later active politically. It frequently criticized the Dutch government for what they did in the Netherlands Indies through its newspapers Hinda Poetra and Indonesia Merdeka. The PI demanded freedom for Indonesia and had the spirit of anti-colonialism and non-cooperation with the Dutch. Later it became anti-fascist, which made the PI a tool for the independence struggle. However, once the purpose of the political movement –the Japanese replacement of the Dutch, and independence– became known, the PI was slowly dissolved, though the exact dissolution date is unknown. In 1952, an association that bonded and united Indonesian students with the spirit of nationalism reappeared with the new name of Persatuan Peladjar Indonesia (PPI). This is the benchmark year of this study as it was the first year of term PPI. From there on, the dynamic of the PPI has never stopped. Although it altered its name to Persatuan/Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia, the spirit still remains for Indonesian students overseas. The aftermath of the PI can be seen afterwards. Indonesian students overseas took a similar form of action. There are other student diaspora stories from the late 1960s, this time in the United States. When the Indonesian Orde Baru just started its administration, a handful of economic students from the University of California, Berkeley, were chosen to bring back the Indonesian economy from deprivation. In the United States, they formed a group that people called the ‘Berkeley Mafia’ that consisted of several prominent figures such as Widjojo Nitisastro, Mohammad Sadli, Emil Salim, Subroto, and Ali Wardhana . These students, who were linked together in Berkeley, returned as a group lead by Nitisastro to work under the administration of Soeharto. One of the professors in the Department of Political Science, T.C. Blaisdell commented: “These (would be) prominent Indonesian leaders are gathering,” as the group were having study meeting in Barrows Hall, Berkeley (Anwar et al, 2007). The group supported the Orde Baru until its collapse in 1998. In the 1960s I believe the number of Indonesian students was not as many as there are now. And in 1961, following the establishment in the Netherlands, the Persatoean Mahasiswa Indonesia di Amerika Serikat (Indonesian Students' Union in the United States) was born. Today, the number of Indonesian students overseas have increased, as there are 51 PPI in the world. Indonesian students tend to be organized as they belong to the PPI. This is not only in the Netherlands and the United States, but in Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, Australia, Turkey, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Morocco, among others. These students association are familiar among Indonesian under the name of Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia (PPI). Although the associations are geographically separated, they seem to have similar form of organization, source of funding, and activities. I did not observe this pattern of association in other international students' association, thus it is worth comparing with other students' associations. In this study I address how the PPI Belanda developed during the different regimes in Indonesia from Orde Lama to Post-reformasi and how the PPI Belanda reacted to each regime. Next I question how the previous and current PPI organize itself in terms of constitution, purpose, membership policy, and medium of information, activities and source of funding. I also became interested in the PPI Belanda’s political connection with Indonesian domestic politics, as it is acknowledged that the PPI often deliver the Pernyataan Sikap (Position Statement) on current issues in Indonesia. Thereafter I discuss the longstanding relationships between the PPI and the government’s representatives, particularly the Atase Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Republik Indonesia (Atdikbud) that is in the KBRI in The Hague. By examining these topics I hope the dynamic of the PPI Belanda will be more acknowledged in the future.Show less
Bachelor thesis | South and Southeast Asian Studies (BA)
closed access
This thesis considers the pesantren, Senin-Kamis Al-Fatah, that was solely for the waria-community of Yogyakarta. The thesis describes the position of waria in Indonesia before Islam became...Show moreThis thesis considers the pesantren, Senin-Kamis Al-Fatah, that was solely for the waria-community of Yogyakarta. The thesis describes the position of waria in Indonesia before Islam became dominant and describes a tolerant and intolerant version of Islam.Show less
Abstract: In Asia skin tone and whitening techniques were desirable and well described throughout the history. Indonesia is not an exception. The traces of whitening methods, portraits of ideal...Show moreAbstract: In Asia skin tone and whitening techniques were desirable and well described throughout the history. Indonesia is not an exception. The traces of whitening methods, portraits of ideal woman could be found in Indonesian literary works, legends as early as in ninth century as well as in modern literature and women’s magazines. Given the obsession of being white priority, the number of TV advertisements for skin-lightening products flooded the market and the need for them is intensely growing. The Indonesian beauty market is one of the fastest-growing beauty markets in Asia. Indonesian women follow the trend of being white shown in TV ads, but what can the content of these ads teach us about the reasons why people want to be whiter, or about the advertisers’ assumptions about those reasons, is still not well researched. This current study will try to contribute to the scientific knowledge in this field. The aim of this study is to investigate the possible ways of explaining the desire for whiteness by looking at the various positive associations which whiteness has for Indonesians. These positive associations include genetic excellence, hygiene and health, wealth and status, race, cosmopolitanism, the power of looks - “lookism” (discrimination or prejudice on the grounds of a person’s appearance), culture, social conformism, tradition (old cultural ideas in written and oral literature), modernity and try to trace them in four selected (two local brands and two international ones) contemporary TV whitening advertisements in Indonesia. The majority of these positive associations have their roots in antiquity and are not products of colonialism or modernity. Nevertheless, most of the TV skin whitening commercials in Indonesia (here, based on four examined ones) are constructed around modern ways of reasoning.Show less
In this thesis I will research how young Indonesians express their identities or how they create new identities in the period from the 1990s until today and I will examine this through forms of...Show moreIn this thesis I will research how young Indonesians express their identities or how they create new identities in the period from the 1990s until today and I will examine this through forms of Indonesian popular music. Popular music is an important site of cultural struggle and can reveal much about class, gender and other social divisions. That is why I want to zoom in on these social divisions by dividing them in class, religion and gender, to see how each of them relates to popular music and identity formation. I choose to focus on class, religion and gender because these have undergone drastic and interesting transformations during the period I want to examine, allowing people to reconsider their place or someone else’s in the social ladder, as a religious person or as a woman or man in society. Popular music and the way people consume it can reveal a lot about people’s thoughts and conceptions on class, religion and gender in contemporary Indonesia. The period from the 1990s until the present knew for example a remarkable growth of the Indonesian middle class who adopted a consumerist lifestyle and wanted to set themselves apart from the lower class, using popular music among other things. Concerning religion, I will focus on the developments of Islam in Indonesia, the religion of roughly 90% of the country's population. The fall of Suharto has been a significant turning-point for religious expression, because for much of the New Order, Islam was marginalized especially in the political sphere and Islamic organizations were restricted. After 1998, Indonesian Muslims could express themselves more freely, leading to an amplified process of Islamization which includes the creation of new Islamic political parties, the rise of radical Islam and the expression of religious identities in public that could not be expressed before, particularly extremist ones. Moreover, in the 21st century Muslim pop culture has flourished immensely and popular music has helped in the process of articulating religious identity. Finally, issues of gender, including for example femininity, masculinity and the role of women in the family have become a more prominent subject of discussions and debates in the past two decades. Women's rights groups and opinions about feminism have more political support than before, but so has (conservative) Islam. This leads to diverse opinions about popular female artists who are regarded as a role model to some and an actor of immorality to others. Popular music is a strong medium to spur debates about gender and to introduce new images of how young men and women can, or should, dress and behave. Consequently, this makes young Indonesians rethink and possibly reshape their gender identities.Show less
Climate change is becoming an increasingly important topic on the international stage and is one of today’s top priorities on the global agenda. Indonesia is of importance in any discussion about...Show moreClimate change is becoming an increasingly important topic on the international stage and is one of today’s top priorities on the global agenda. Indonesia is of importance in any discussion about climate change because of two reasons: (1) Indonesia is a country extremely vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, and (2) Indonesia contributes significantly to the problems of climate change. Therefore, it is perhaps not surprising that the Indonesian government has played an important role in the international debate on climate change. This thesis analyzes Indonesia’s contribution in the movement towards international cooperation to combat climate change.Show less
