Over the course of European integration, national parliaments have developed methods of scrutinizing new EU legislation. Especially since the Lisbon Treaty, national parliaments have become both...Show moreOver the course of European integration, national parliaments have developed methods of scrutinizing new EU legislation. Especially since the Lisbon Treaty, national parliaments have become both more empowered and active on EU affairs. At the same time, the European Parliament has become a co-legislator, (theoretically) securing parliamentary control over both the Council and the EP parts of the ordinary legislative procedure. This thesis, by way of a deep case study, gives an analysis of the methods to enact influence deployed by Dutch parliamentarians in the European Parliament and the Tweede Kamer on the Proposal for a European Labour Authority. (ELA, 2018/0064 (COD)). The thesis is based on parliamentary proceedings and interviews with M(E)Ps and others involved in the case. Among other conclusions, the importance of committee meetings is highlighted.Show less
Europe’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European...Show moreEurope’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European societies and identities, have stimulated European citizens to reject the liberal status quo. The declining levels of trust in politicians, political parties and towards national and European institutions have created space for right-wing populist actors to enter the political arena. In more recent years this has paved the way for far-right political parties and movements led by Marine Le Pen, Matteo Salvini, Viktor Orbán, Heinz-Christian Strache and Alexander Gauland. These populist leaders across the continent have positioned themselves as the main contender to mainstream politics moving from a marginal position to the centre stage. The emergence of populism has shifted the balance of political forces in Europe and left behind a polarised and fragmented party system within the European political landscape. This paper will analyse how populism as a ‘thin’ ideology along with nationalism is articulated by radical-right populist parties within EU member states. The purpose of this study is to assess the growing support for the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV), The National Rally (RN) in France and the Italian Northern League (LN), in particular with regard to the political discourse they use in the process of gaining electoral votes and bringing to the centre their core values and beliefs. This paper will provide clear examples of how the rise of populism has made it more difficult for a voter to make a distinction amidst the populist appeal and the actual values and target of these political parties and their leaders.Show less
Theories on European integration postulate what actors, processes and developments are central to the construction and functioning of the EU. Therefore, such theorization of integration can be used...Show moreTheories on European integration postulate what actors, processes and developments are central to the construction and functioning of the EU. Therefore, such theorization of integration can be used to explain, clarify and justify specific events. This thesis draws on the authentic arguments and assumptions of Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, i.e. two classic integration theories, to test their explanatory power by means of a case study. The context in which this study takes place is the completion of the Single Market, the barriers thereto and the subsequent potential of the Single Market that is left unexploited. One such barrier is the existence of different corporate tax regimes in and across the Single Market. The case used in this study is the proposed legislation on a Common (Consolidated) Corporate Tax Base (C(C)CTB), which is aimed at addressing this issue and to eliminate the negative consequences of tax regime disparities. The research question that guides this thesis is as follows: ‘to what extent can Neofunctionalist and/or Liberal Intergovernmentalist theory explain the proposed legislation on a Common (Consolidated) Corporate Tax Base and associated processes and developments?’ In pursuance of rejecting the null hypothesis and supporting one of the three alternative hypotheses, this study derived six ‘expectations’ from both integration theories to assess their compatibility with what can be observed in practice. Subsequently, the theory with the most accurate presumptions, measured by the degree of compliance, is assumed to hold most explanatory power and, consequently, ‘wins this battle’. The data used for this study is composed of desk and field research, including but not limited to interviews with the European Commission, KPMG EU Tax Centre and the Permanent Representation of the Netherlands in Brussels. With an average score of 4.2 against 2.2 (on a five-point scale), the outcome of the data analysis clearly indicates that the expectations derived from Neofunctionalist theory are significantly better capable of explaining relevant processes and developments underlying the C(C)CTB. Therefore, this study concludes that Neofunctionalism in this case holds more explanatory power than Liberal Intergovernmentalism. Nevertheless, it is acknowledged that due to low external validity the results of this study cannot or to a very limited extent be generalized to other situations. Accordingly, further research, for which this thesis could provide a methodological blueprint, is required to assess the explanatory power of both integration theories in regards to other issues that constitute barriers to the Single Market. Thereafter, it may be verified whether the findings presented in this study do indeed hold and are as such applicable to the broader context in which this study is situated.Show less
Information and research on the latest posted workers case is scarce. This research is meant to point out the difficulties currently facing the Early Warning System. By using a case study on the...Show moreInformation and research on the latest posted workers case is scarce. This research is meant to point out the difficulties currently facing the Early Warning System. By using a case study on the most recent yellow-card case and specifically the cases of Denmark and Poland this research will attempt to shine new light on the progress and potential of the EWS and place it in a refreshing context. The problems raised in the written literature will be used as a premise to go through the various cases.Show less
This thesis concerns the impact of the EU lobbying behaviour of the regions on the gatekeeping powers of the central government. Through an extensive analysis of the behaviour of the Dutch...Show moreThis thesis concerns the impact of the EU lobbying behaviour of the regions on the gatekeeping powers of the central government. Through an extensive analysis of the behaviour of the Dutch provinces at the EU level based on interviews, a survey and content analysis, this study concludes that the provinces aim at cooperating with their central government but are capable of bypassing it as well when their interests are strongly opposed to those of the central government. Contradictory to assumptions made in the literature, the institutional strength of the subnational actor appears not to play a decisive role. The inclusiveness of the subnational actors into the national EU policy-shaping process, the length of exposure to the EU integration process and the financial means of the subnational actor seem to explain the occasional bypassing behaviour on the EU level of the provinces. Although the provinces are capable of effectively influencing the EU decision-making process independently from their central government, this study argues that the gatekeeping powers of the Dutch central government are not significantly affected by the lobbying behaviour of the provinces. The central government remains the dominant actor regarding the Council and the implementation phase. This result confirms the assumption of the theory of liberal intergovernmentalism that the central government is the gatekeeper between the influence of national actors and the EU decision-making process. In the agenda-setting phase, the central government has however lost its gatekeeping powers. This proves that the relation on the EU level between the Dutch provinces and their central government also entails some characteristics of a multi-level governance structure.Show less
This thesis concentrates on parliamentary control in EU matters by focussing on the adoption of the new roles for national parliaments stipulated in the Lisbon Treaty. To seek an explanation for...Show moreThis thesis concentrates on parliamentary control in EU matters by focussing on the adoption of the new roles for national parliaments stipulated in the Lisbon Treaty. To seek an explanation for the differences in scrutiny strength across member states, this master thesis investigates whether parliamentary control is in relation with the eurosceptic nature of national parliaments and its public. It is important to examine the eurosceptic nature of national parliaments, as it can be argued that national parliaments with an eurosceptic public wish to have European matters handled in their national institutions, whereas national parliaments with a pro-European tendency are more willing to delegate authority to EU institutions. In addition, it is also important to examine this subject as many national parliaments are facing the problem of agency loss and are searching for ways to become stronger represented in the EU. In this master thesis, it is examined whether national parliaments with a strong eurosceptic character are stronger represented in the EU. In other words, is parliamentary control on EU affairs strengthened by public opinion?Show less
