The NATO intervention in Kosovo sparked the debate on an enhanced role for regional organizations in the promotion of international peace and security. In an attempt to reconcile another debate on...Show moreThe NATO intervention in Kosovo sparked the debate on an enhanced role for regional organizations in the promotion of international peace and security. In an attempt to reconcile another debate on the tension between sovereignty and human rights, the Responsibility to Protect was unanimously adopted at the World Summit in 2005. Various regional organizations have argued for increased autonomy in the regional implementation of the Responsibility to Protect, including the African Union and ASEAN. The the impact of regional dynamics on the regionalization of a global norm has been under-examined. In particular, the impact of regional identity has been unexplored. Grounded in the constructivist approach, this exploratory research aims to provide examination of the relation between regional identities and the Responsibility to Protect. Discourse analysis and the case studies of atrocities in Libya and Myanmar find that identity can function as a narrative to legitimize or delegitimize particular aspects of the Responsibility to Protect. Regional contexts and values must thus be taken into account when promoting international normsShow less
Placed in the broader literature of states’ foreign policy behavior this research addresses a so far understudied question, namely what explains Germany’s acknowledgment of its colonial crimes...Show morePlaced in the broader literature of states’ foreign policy behavior this research addresses a so far understudied question, namely what explains Germany’s acknowledgment of its colonial crimes committed in today’s Namibia during the Ovaherero and Nama rebellion between 1904 and 1908. Observing a general reluctance of European states to reconcile with the colonial past and looking at the therefore somewhat surprising German-Namibian case, I propose two possible causal mechanisms based on liberal theory and rhetorical entrapment to account for this rare policy outcome. According to the liberal theory mechanism, I expect former colonial powers to acknowledge colonial crimes if domestic interests change state preferences towards reconciliation with the colonial past. According to the rhetorical entrapment approach, I expect former colonial powers to acknowledge colonial crimes if political costs increase due to the strategic use of rhetorical entrapment by domestic and international actors. This is an explanatory single case study employing process tracing and using data from party publications, government and interest groups’ public statements, and parliamentary debate. I find support for both hypotheses and show that the mechanisms interacted with each other illustrating important implications for other cases of German colonial violence and reconciliation processes of other European states.Show less
