This thesis discusses the relationship between the royalty and nationalism in the two traditional courts of Southeast Asia, the courts of Thailand and Yogyakarta. It applies a comparative...Show moreThis thesis discusses the relationship between the royalty and nationalism in the two traditional courts of Southeast Asia, the courts of Thailand and Yogyakarta. It applies a comparative-historical method by exploring the characteristics and determinants of historical phenomena in causal processes. The courts of Thailand and Yogyakarta emerged in the 18th century after a series of internal conflicts and ‘outsider’ intervention. The presence of the Dutch in the political affairs of Yogyakarta made the situation different between the two courts, while the court of Thailand is a sovereign power. In regards to the origin of nationalism, this thesis argues that there is a relationship between the establishment of the courts of Thailand and Yogyakarta to the birth of nationalism from the royalty. The origin of nationalism from the court of Thailand can be attributed to the struggle against the Burmese invader in the 18th century. From then on, the matter about sovereignty of Thailand was part of Thai nationalism. In Yogyakarta, the origin of nationalism is attributed to the courts’ subjugation to Dutch colonialism, which fostered an anti-colonial sentiment. Furthermore, based on this comparative study, the characteristic of nationalism from ‘above’ and nationalism from ‘below’ are apparent. In the state of absolute monarchy such as in Thailand, nationalism emerged from above, meaning that it was the product of the absolute king. In the colonized state of Yogyakarta, nationalism emerged from ‘below’. The subordinate position of the Sultan of Yogyakarta and the Pakualam to the Dutch made them unable to promote nationalism centered from the monarchy. Political essence of nationalism from Yogyakarta derived from its educated elites. This thesis also demonstrates that nationalism from ‘below’, or the egalitarian idea of nationalism was the dominant political force. It was able to change the state imposition of nationalism both in Thailand and Yogyakarta during the period 1908 – 1942.Show less
Het doel van deze scriptie is het onderzoeken van de Zweedse concessiepolitiek tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog ten opzichte van Nazi-Duitsland. Door het ontbreken van objectief onderzoek hiervan...Show moreHet doel van deze scriptie is het onderzoeken van de Zweedse concessiepolitiek tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog ten opzichte van Nazi-Duitsland. Door het ontbreken van objectief onderzoek hiervan wordt er getracht aan de hand van het onderzoeken van twee dagboeken hoe deze twee dagboekschrijvers die leefden tijdens de oorlog dachten over deze concessiepolitiek.Show less
When the ruling Alliance-coalition of Malaysia suffered a painful defeat in the 1969 general elections, ethnic riots erupted in the streets of Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia’s capital city. These riots...Show moreWhen the ruling Alliance-coalition of Malaysia suffered a painful defeat in the 1969 general elections, ethnic riots erupted in the streets of Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia’s capital city. These riots proved a watershed moment in the history of Malaysia, since they convinced the country’s political leaders that more should be done for Malay Malaysians in order to prevent similar events from occurring in the future. For this reason, an affirmative action programme called the New Economic Policy (NEP) was adopted in 1971. As a consequence of the NEP, Malay entrepreneurs obtained a considerable stake in the domestic economy. The thesis analyses whether the favourable competitive position that accrued to Malay entrepreneurs under the NEP was historically unique. It addresses the following research question: to what extent did changes in the conditions for the development of entrepreneurship of varying ethnic origin during the period 1920-1970 anticipate the New Economic Policy? I argue that, although the favourable conditions facing Malay Malaysian entrepreneurs under the NEP were historically unprecedented, positive discrimination of Malays in government policies has deep historical roots. Initially such policies were fairly narrow in scope, gradually broadening as time went by. By the second half of the 1960s the policy climate already portrayed many of the features that would come to characterize the NEP.Show less
The intention of this thesis is to contribute to a broader understanding of what economic development means for inequality and poverty levels in Brazil. This thesis will focus on the period 2003...Show moreThe intention of this thesis is to contribute to a broader understanding of what economic development means for inequality and poverty levels in Brazil. This thesis will focus on the period 2003-2011, in which Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva was president. There are several reasons for choosing this timeframe. Lula was inaugurated right after Brazil was named one of the most important emerging economies, demonstrating the growing potential and role the Brazilian economy began to play worldwide. Furthermore, it has been mentioned that Lula’s presidency was unlike any other. He is said to have been truly dedicated to advancing economic growth, while also aiming for social change and reducing inequality levels. Can the three phenomena mentioned in the nexus be combined and tackled simultaneously? Consequently, by focusing on the Lula era (2011-2013) this thesis will attempt to answer the following research question; to what extent can economic growth go hand in hand with a reduction in poverty and inequality? Is this trinity possible?Show less
The thesis discusses to what extent do popular media contribute to the reduction of stigmatisation and discrimination against homosexuals in post-colonial India? The hypothesis is: development and...Show moreThe thesis discusses to what extent do popular media contribute to the reduction of stigmatisation and discrimination against homosexuals in post-colonial India? The hypothesis is: development and expansion of media improves public awareness of the taboo topic of homosexuality which will in turn reduce the stigmatisation. The first chapter describes the socio-legal context of homosexuality in India, explaining the foundations for stigmatisation and discrimination against homosexuals and identifies who the main discriminators are. The second chapter uses Appadurai’s theory of scapes and in particular mediascape to help establish the influence such a scape has in reducing stigmatisation and discrimination against homosexuals in postcolonial India. This chapter draws similarities and conclusions from anthologies, auto biographies and biographies, newspaper articles and magazines, Bollywood films and Indian television. The final chapter is focussed on a case study of a growing influential homosexual social group in Mumbai named Gay Bombay that uses the media as a powerful tool in creating a safe haven for homosexuals since the late 1990s. The results have shown that homosexuality is a taboo topic with the current law criminalising the act. The extent of which media influence public opinion has grown with increased globalisation and the introduction of the internet. Some popular media outlets portray non-glamourized depictions of homosexuals more often than ever before but the stereotypical portrayal of the group is still common. It is definite that the public’s perception is directly influenced by media presentations and so if the media has the ability to promote a positive image of homosexuality one questions why they do not. Word of mouth belief is identified as one of the main problems that prevent change in opinion. Changing several million people’s opinions on such a taboo topic is a distant dream for homosexuals, especially whilst the law is still in place. One questions whether India has the political will to repeal its anti-homosexual legislation even if the media increases positive awareness of homosexuality.Show less
De hoofdvraag van deze scriptie is hoe twee contrasterende economische modellen hetzelfde positieve effect op armoedereductie kunnen hebben. De reden dat beide verschillende methodes zo succesvol...Show moreDe hoofdvraag van deze scriptie is hoe twee contrasterende economische modellen hetzelfde positieve effect op armoedereductie kunnen hebben. De reden dat beide verschillende methodes zo succesvol waren ligt in het feit dat armoedereductie in Brazilië en Indonesië in eerste aanleg twee fundamenteel verschillende dingen zijn, die ieder een eigen aanpak nodig hadden om tot hetzelfde resultaat te komen. In Indonesië was economische groei een vereiste om armoede te reduceren. Daarentegen was het in Brazilië mogelijk om binnen de al bestaande economische omstandigheden armoede te reduceren door middel van inkomensredistributie. Het idee is dat deze redistributie kon zorgen voor een verdere economische groei. Dit scenario was niet mogelijk voor Indonesië vanwege het lagere niveau van economische ontwikkeling. Indonesië was in 1967 nog in grote delen economisch onderontwikkeld en kende een nog niet tot wasdom gekomen industrie, in tegenstelling tot Brazilië in 1997 waar al wel een proces van industrialisatie was afgerond.Show less
