This research is concerned with determining the extent of state agency of sub-Saharan African states, in the matter of Chinese non-/quasi-state investment in Africa’s renewable energy development....Show moreThis research is concerned with determining the extent of state agency of sub-Saharan African states, in the matter of Chinese non-/quasi-state investment in Africa’s renewable energy development. The possibilities in Africa for renewable energy development are numerous and undoubtedly crucial for sustainable economic development in the years to come. Taking state agency as a dependent variable in this research, several independent variables emanate from existing literature on this topic. These include the types of engagement between Chinese and African actors, the organization and structures of funding for projects and development, national frameworks, and paradiplomacy. Scholarship on this topic provides that on China’s behalf, most types of engagement such as direct private investment and transnational organizations are usually shaped to benefit China, which might undermine mutual advantages. Yet, China, with a technological advantage compared to sub-Saharan Africa and with its role as the main creditor, it is not deemed conspicuous in that regard for China to have a slight upper hand and leave less agency for sub-Saharan countries. The issue of orchestration also strains state agency as bottom-up movements are supported and mostly operate independently. When examining the types of engagement, it appears that sub-Saharan states still hold many autonomous decision-making capabilities, because most cooperation is deliberate or a result of thorough consideration and negotiation. In the case of orchestration, state agency is largely dependent on the groups international organizations target and to which end. These could include, for example, slow pace of energy transitions or lack of governmental attention. In the case of funding, most flows through development banks, which remain focused on advisory roles and asset management. These tend to distance themselves from project development and management. Cases vary across the region, however, as in Uganda state agency is shaped strategically. This results in sustainable regulation, swift development, and less need for strict state control of assets.Show less
In light of pledges made by Chinese president Xi Jinping to have carbon emissions peak before 2030 and to reach carbon neutrality in 2060, as well as to stop building coal-fired power plants abroad...Show moreIn light of pledges made by Chinese president Xi Jinping to have carbon emissions peak before 2030 and to reach carbon neutrality in 2060, as well as to stop building coal-fired power plants abroad, this research examines China’s policies and investments relating to renewable energy. In particular, this thesis focuses on the steps China is taking both domestically and in Africa to reach Sustainable Development Goal 7, ‘to ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable, and modern energy for all’. This research has found that both domestically and in Africa, China is taking a similar approach. Chinese state-owned enterprises have ramped up investments in the hydropower, wind power, and solar photovoltaic power sectors. As a result, renewable energy has become more affordable and accessible. However, China remains dependent on coal-fired power plants domestically, and additional investments in Africa will be necessary to ensure a green energy transformation on the continent.Show less
At the international level, human rights can be defined as universal, inalienable rights that are inherent to all humans everywhere. However, human rights can be interpreted and valued differently...Show moreAt the international level, human rights can be defined as universal, inalienable rights that are inherent to all humans everywhere. However, human rights can be interpreted and valued differently across various cultures. Conceptualizations of human rights, thus, differ across places and times. Prior to the Forum on China Africa Cooperation Summit of 2006, conceptualizations of human rights on the African continent primarily revolved around the promotion of political and socio economic integration of the continent; the protection of sovereignty and territorial integrity; the eradication of (neo-)colonialism; and the promotion of peace, security and stability. Conceptualizations of human rights in China primarily revolved around the advancement of the human rights to subsistence and development over virtually any other human right. The resolutions taken by China during the Summit, which had the main objective of promoting the cooperation between itself and African countries, have formalized and intensified China-Africa relations significantly. In the years following the Summit, conceptualizations of human rights on the African continent primarily revolved around the promotion of democratization, development, and emancipation. Conceptualizations of human rights in China continued to primarily revolve around the advancement of the human rights to subsistence and development. In conclusion, the Summit has enabled China to socialize Africa with regard to human rights conceptualizations to a certain extent, through persuasion, social-back-patting and social influence. The measures taken at the Summit have enabled China to transmit the message that the human right to development is fundamentally important and maintain a positive image of itself on the African continent. Consequently, in part, a converging trend in Chinese and African human rights conceptualizations can be observed. Countering that, however, an in part diverging trend in this regard can be observed as well. China’s influence on African conceptualizations of human rights should, thus, neither be overstated nor underestimated for future reference.Show less
Image building within and about China-Africa relations play as major role in the way this growing international engagement is understood. Despite recognition for its important role in high level...Show moreImage building within and about China-Africa relations play as major role in the way this growing international engagement is understood. Despite recognition for its important role in high level dialogue and policy creation, non-media platforms, such as the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, are often overlooked as an important image-building medium. Therefore, by questioning how Chinese and African officials frame their own relationship through official FOCAC-discourse, this thesis seeks to add to contemporary framing theory on China-Africa relations. Three case studies on written and visual framing processes within important FOCAC policy documents, photographs and speeches highlight the multiplicity of frameworks that contribute to the creation of a relational self-image. These analyses reveal how images of China-Africa relations are built on co-existing, but contrasting discourses, and how different framing mechanisms influence each other to shape a multiplicity of images.Show less
China’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought....Show moreChina’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought. However, little research has been done on how power is perceived within this field. The state claims to be non-interventionist but still sent an increasing amount of combat troops to Africa. It is unknown if the end goal is to provide aid or if there is more to it. This study intends to research what China’s model for peace and development within the mission of South Sudan entails, both theoretically and practically, and how it might use an underlying strategy of smart power. Herein, Nye’s concept of smart power is a way for a nation to maximise its strength through a combination of hard and soft power. In order to measure smart power, the components of military, economic, and affective and normative soft power were used. Military and economic power exist on as spectrum ranging from hard to soft power, whilst soft power is also devised into tangible and intangible assets. To research power, the thesis has used a variation of academic sources, databases, newspapers, and official governmental papers. These were chosen as to examine official reporting and factual outcomes. The results showed that the Chinese model for development contains soft power elements, whilst its activities in South Sudan employ both soft and hard power. The results therefore suggest that China might pursue a smart power strategy to safeguard its own interests. The realist concept of power still holds up today and might prove valuable to research more areas of power in UN missions on the African continent.Show less
The EU currently faces a challenge to adopt a unified approach to control Chinese IFDI in the CEE region. It is commonly assumed that the securitization of Chinese influence and the measures in...Show moreThe EU currently faces a challenge to adopt a unified approach to control Chinese IFDI in the CEE region. It is commonly assumed that the securitization of Chinese influence and the measures in place obstruct efficient regulation of (Chinese) IFDI. This thesis aims to determine to what extent the EU can respond in a uniform way to protect European strategic infrastructure assets from China’s investment ambitions in the CEE region. More specifically, this research will analyse the effectiveness of the current measures adopted by the EU to control Chinese IFDI and it will examine the possible obstruction of a uniform approach towards regulation by considering the West-European bias, in particular the Franco-German dominance. To answer the research question, the research will make use of an in-depth case study on the Budapest-Belgrade railway project and will use neoliberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework. The results revealed weaknesses in the EU measures and shortcomings in the EU’s effectiveness as the result of a fragmented Union and a biased approach to regulate Chinese IFDI. The results suggest a re-evaluation of the EU’s strategy to ensure an effective and unified approach.Show less
