This thesis seeks to explore the relation between psychological coping mechanisms and moral responsibility. It argues that there are three essential conditions guiding this relation: in order to be...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore the relation between psychological coping mechanisms and moral responsibility. It argues that there are three essential conditions guiding this relation: in order to be morally responsible individuals must (1) be aware of a moral demand, (2) be aware of the morally relevant state of affairs, and (3) must to some degree have the physical and motivational ability to act upon this awareness. In specific, the view that motivational ability is an important factor in thinking about moral responsibility is defended in this thesis. Only by taking motivational ability into account, can we think about morality in a way that is both sufficiently realistic, while also satisfactorily idealistic.Show less
The question of whether animals should gain rights is not uncommon in contemporary society. The strategy that most scholars use to argue for animal rights is to find a specific characteristic that...Show moreThe question of whether animals should gain rights is not uncommon in contemporary society. The strategy that most scholars use to argue for animal rights is to find a specific characteristic that animals and humans both have and which serves as a basis for attributing rights. This paper, using Martha Nussbaum’s capabilities theory, takes a somewhat different road. One of the biggest concerns Nussbaum has with contractarian theories is that they are persistent in conflating the question of “Who frames the Principles of Justice?” with “Whom are the Principles of Justice framed for?”. Instead of ignoring the rights of certain groups by only focusing on species membership, Nussbaum concentrates on the capabilities every being possesses and the importance of enforcing these capabilities. Her theory has further potential than she imagined; we could use Martha Nussbaum’s capabilities approach to prove that not one, but all capabilities that a being has are important when we design a justice system. Capabilities indicate what a being needs to lead a fulfilled and dignified life. As well as enforcing them, we could also use them as a foundation on which the attribution of rights is decided.Show less
The principle that persons are entitled to the fruits of their labour is a central facet of both libertarian and Marxist theories, as well as a commonly shared intuition in political debate. It is...Show moreThe principle that persons are entitled to the fruits of their labour is a central facet of both libertarian and Marxist theories, as well as a commonly shared intuition in political debate. It is often derived from self-ownership. This thesis argues that such a derivation is invalid because it rests upon an equivocation of the concept of ownership. It is possible that persons have certain ‘property relations’ to themselves, but not others: the right to possess and manage themselves, but not a full right to the income generated by their assets or capital value. The thesis defends such a non-libertarian view of self-ownership. A qualified version of the labour theory of property acquisition can be saved by appealing not directly to self-ownership but to the related argument from personal identity, which says that actors have a personal connection to their labour, which generates a prima facie right to the fruits of one’s labour. Combined with desert considerations that arise due to the positive moral value from contributing to the world through labour, this can become an actual right. Such desert considerations should track responsibility in accordance with luck egalitarian principles.Show less
Despite the fact that women and men are equal before the law, and discrimination based on sex, race, ethnic background or sexual orientation is prohibited, economic, political and social...Show moreDespite the fact that women and men are equal before the law, and discrimination based on sex, race, ethnic background or sexual orientation is prohibited, economic, political and social inequalities still persist. Increasing employment opportunities and advances in educational achievement have not end widespread discrimination against women. It is for example still difficult for women to combine paid work with family duties, without limiting their chances of promotion. Women experience a gender pay gap of 16% in the European Union (EU) and are becoming more involved in the informal economy, with its lack of protection and often poor working conditions. Moreover, the trafficking of people for sexual exploitation and sexual and domestic violence disproportionally affects women. It is important for these problems of inequality to be solved because the EU can only be a viable and (gender) just system, when the ongoing disadvantaged position of women, i.e. lack of equal opportunities, unequal access to remunerative employment and gender based sexual and domestic violence is put to an end. Gender Equality Policies (GEP) are set up to diminish these inequalities in opportunities for women, in all areas of life. Since GEP are not solely focussed on rights but on the correction of actual cases of social, economic and political inequality, the question rises how to normatively evaluate GEP. Nussbaum’s capability approach has proved itself of great importance for understanding the human rights discourse accompanied with a focus on human capabilities and functioning. The capability approach provides “a benchmark in thinking about what it is really to secure a right to someone” (Nussbaum, 1997, p. 294), therefore the capability approach is the right end to evaluate GEP in that it argues the importance of policy making that actualizes the human rights discourse. GEP are rectifications of social, political and economic inequalities, therefore Nussbaum’s capability approach, that provides a theoretical framework focussed on gender equality, is the right framework to explore GEP. My thesis will address this question: which GEP could be seen as an example of Nussbaum’s capability approach? In addition, empirical applications in policy making could show the relevance of adding philosophical value to political examples, in order to overcome concrete inequalities. GEP will be discussed in the context of Europe, because the EU could be seen as a unique case to study gender equality, but also diversity and social justice in an increasing globalizing world.Show less
In this paper I argue that the Just War Theory in its current state is anachronistic and requires modernising. I set out how the domain of war has changed over time, specifically with new threats...Show moreIn this paper I argue that the Just War Theory in its current state is anachronistic and requires modernising. I set out how the domain of war has changed over time, specifically with new threats from weapons of mass destruction and non-state actors. These changes require a modernisation of the theory, and a product of this modernisation is developing a preventive war doctrine generally seen to be impermissible, as permissible. I make the case based on the changing nature of threats, and, extend the notion of self-defence to include preventive action. I highlight the epistemic problem in today’s war environment regarding the ‘last resort’ condition of the Just War Theory, and argue that if pre-emptive attacks are permissible, then based on the same epistemic logic, preventive wars are also permissible.Show less
Intuitively, anarchism and republicanism are miles apart. This essay shows that they are more connected then often thought. It sketches the republican tradition and places the anarchistic...Show moreIntuitively, anarchism and republicanism are miles apart. This essay shows that they are more connected then often thought. It sketches the republican tradition and places the anarchistic philosophy of Proudhon in a republican light. It shows the similarities between Proudhon’s anarchism and republicanism by examining republican themes in the work of Proudhon. Themes like rule of law, separation of powers and decentralization. It will show that Proudhon’s system of anarchy is a viable form of state that deserves its place in the republican tradition. When viewed as a viable form of state, it will also find its way into the mixed constitution.Show less
