Efforts to tackle the global climate crisis are increasingly complicated by the rise of right-wing populism (RWP) and persistent geopolitical crises. This paper investigates the understudied...Show moreEfforts to tackle the global climate crisis are increasingly complicated by the rise of right-wing populism (RWP) and persistent geopolitical crises. This paper investigates the understudied intersection of these challenges by analyzing how do right-wing populists use nationalist rhetoric to influence climate change action in times of geopolitical crisis? The question is explored with a focus on the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party of Poland, in particular its discourse in parliamentary committee sessions amidst the Russian war against Ukraine and subsequent energy crisis. Through a discourse analysis, it was found that the war served as a justification for PiS to concentrate on short-term solutions prioritizing fossil-fuel based energy security. Polish RWP capitalized on the war-induced crisis by using nationalist rhetoric to undermine the energy transition away from coal and EU climate measures. These findings underscore how geopolitical crises and political ideologies can create significant barriers to effective global climate action.Show less
Despite widespread public concern and scientific consensus about the ecological crisis, current efforts to curb global emissions are falling short. National and international efforts are permeated...Show moreDespite widespread public concern and scientific consensus about the ecological crisis, current efforts to curb global emissions are falling short. National and international efforts are permeated by a lack of ambition and urgency. Psychosocial scholars have argued that this reflects a state of ecoparalysis, a result of ecoanxiety and fear of ecological destruction. However, this thesis argues that the ecological crisis and our responses to it cannot be seen in isolation from the hegemony of capitalism. Capitalism’s need for unlimited growth drives the ecological crisis. Under the current stage of capitalism, neoliberal rationality permeates our every interaction, neoliberal logics govern every sphere of life, and becomes common-sense. This thesis explores how this influences our responses to the ecological crisis. It argues that the hegemony of capitalism distorts reality in such a way that capitalism becomes what is real, and as a consequence we cannot conceive of ourselves or of the world outside of capitalism. This fosters an inability to see alternatives, thus, preventing us from collectively and meaningfully responding to the ecological crisis.Show less
Thousands of migrants trying to enter the EU are subjected to illegal pushbacks at the hands of the border protection functions of individual EU states. (In)securitization theory suggests that...Show moreThousands of migrants trying to enter the EU are subjected to illegal pushbacks at the hands of the border protection functions of individual EU states. (In)securitization theory suggests that these illegal pushbacks warrant the need for political justification. Yet the primary current academic literature regarding the (in)securitization of migrants in the EU does not even recognize that the pushbacks are taking place. This research project first offers an altered conception of (in)securitization that can better account for the illegal practices taking place. This conception of (in)securitization emphasizes a process-centric approach to the concept’s application that focuses on both the actual (in)securitization attempts by actors and their motives, and the actual practices taken by border control agents. This is in contrast to the primary usage of (in)securitization that instead is restricted to establishing an abstractly conceived general (in)securitized context. Secondly, the reconceptualization is applied to the three cases where the most significant number of pushbacks are taking place; Romania, Hungary and Croatia. The project's findings suggest that (in)securitization theory must take a step back and align more closely with its original conception, that emphasized specific political motivations, to better capture the actual extraordinary practices that need political justification.Show less
What should the foundations of a legitimately demarcated demos be? How can we enable the demarcation of a demos around these values? These questions about the boundary problem have been central to...Show moreWhat should the foundations of a legitimately demarcated demos be? How can we enable the demarcation of a demos around these values? These questions about the boundary problem have been central to the discussion. Thusfar, the focus has been on the inclusion of the people who have a right to participate in the decision-making process of a demos. However, this is not without concern. This thesis explores existing theories and the concerns with these theories from a deliberative democrat’s perspective. I conclude that there is a problem with the democratic foundations of these theories. Therefore, rather than focussing primarily on inclusion, I prioritise the democratic values that are the foundation of a legitimately demarcated demos. I then proceed to suggest a language-centred approach, the principle of Linguistic Unity. The linguistic dimension has yet been overlooked in solutions to the boundary problem. Whereas it does serve a purpose in the protection and realisation of democratic values. Language ultimately brings individuals together in a political community. Agreeing on a common language upon entering a demos might thus be a reasonable condition to add to the discussion on the boundary problem.Show less
