Chile currently finds itself in the middle of a constitution-making process. This is the second attempt to replace the current constitution, since in 2015, the president at that time tried to...Show moreChile currently finds itself in the middle of a constitution-making process. This is the second attempt to replace the current constitution, since in 2015, the president at that time tried to launch a constitution-making process, which eventually failed. A large majority of the public sees the current constitution as responsible for the social and political problems in the country. One way to investigate how the public made this association between the constitution and social misery is to look at the media, especially newspapers. With the help of Critical Discourse Analysis, this thesis compares how newspapers reported on the different constitution-making processes in Chile (2015-2017 and 2019-2021), in order to detect underlying ideologies that could influence the public opinion. This paper argues that the discourse changed over the years, because in the first attempt, the newspapers mainly focused on the process itself. On the other hand, during the second constitution-making process, newspapers took a closer look into the potential content and form of a new constitution.Show less
This paper will analyse how the Zapatista Movement can be understood and framed in terms of anarchist discourses. The Zapatistas have developed an alternative approach to the Western conception of...Show moreThis paper will analyse how the Zapatista Movement can be understood and framed in terms of anarchist discourses. The Zapatistas have developed an alternative approach to the Western conception of autonomy, self-organization, and development while sharing substantial characteristics with anarchist practices and praxis. Using Gordon’s framework and Critical Discourse Analysis when analysing three different primary sources published by the movement, it is possible to argue that the Zapatistas are trying to develop their own unique way in order to free themselves from the international and national systems that perpetuate oppression and exploitation. In a Western perspective, the Zapatistas could be called ‘leftists’ or even ‘anarchists’, as they provide an alternative that is most aligned with our way of comprehending, experiencing, and engaging with anarchism and radical political ideologies and theories. However, the movement does not establish itself as openly ‘anarchist’, but it is seeking to create a new way of organizing politics, economics, and society that is not aligned with the hegemonic neoliberal system. In the Zapatistas’ rhetoric we see a mix of different ideas, goals, and values that can be aligned both with participatory development practices, post-development or what we call ‘anarchism’, making the movement to be perceived almost as non-ideological or even anti-ideological.Show less
The high rates of violence which exist in Mexico are largely connected to the existence of organized crime and the fruitless government counteractions against these groups. In the face of powerful...Show moreThe high rates of violence which exist in Mexico are largely connected to the existence of organized crime and the fruitless government counteractions against these groups. In the face of powerful criminal organizations and ineffective governance, Mexican civil society has mobilized to counteract this situation through the creation of social movements. This thesis therefore analyzes the ways in which different social movements in Mexico have emerged to resist the effects of organized violence between 2000 and 2020. Three case studies, in the form of unique social movements, have been selected for analysis due to their prominence, diversity, and reactions to organized violence. These include the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity, the Cherán Indigenous Movement, and the Mexican Anti-Femicide Movement. This thesis finds several primary factors which contribute to the rise of social movements, which include the roles of neoliberalism, hierarchical structures, and identity. Other patterns emerge in the organization of these movements, namely that they mobilize in cycles and are internally fragmented. Despite the varied context and relative age of many of these theories, this thesis has proven that they still apply to more recent movements, upholding their continued relevance in the field.Show less
Considering Ecuador’s colonial legacy regarding its marginalized indigenous, this research is aimed at finding out the following: why are the indigenous people still marginalized today even during...Show moreConsidering Ecuador’s colonial legacy regarding its marginalized indigenous, this research is aimed at finding out the following: why are the indigenous people still marginalized today even during a pandemic? How can the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) be seen as a part of postcolonialism in countries like Ecuador? By demonstrating how they and which articles have been violated in four time periods – the 1990s and 2000s uprisings, Rafael Correa’s regime, Lenin Moreno’s regime, and the pandemic- I also aim at finding out why they have been violated. In addition, this research has looked at one important colonial legacy of Ecuador: racism and discrimination. This has been further elaborated in the research, where the notion of mestizaje, class and racial discrimination has been further unpacked from a postcolonial perspective. Furthermore, the research argues that the UDHR, though ambitious, is not adequate enough to protect the rights of the indigenous communities. This is because the UDHR is not legally binding. However, the UDHR has also been unpacked from the postcolonial perspective: if global governance, can be seen as troublesome due to the imperial undertone it could potentially have. Lastly, the events that are being mentioned in the time periods serve as evidence that back up these claims.Show less
