After the devastating terrorist attack on September 11th 2001, the United States changed the types of counter-terrorism polices used against the threat of international terrorism. While the George...Show moreAfter the devastating terrorist attack on September 11th 2001, the United States changed the types of counter-terrorism polices used against the threat of international terrorism. While the George W. Bush administration has been greatly studied by various scholars and journalists there is little research that combines the ideology of norm decay to President George W. Bush and human rights. Specifically, in regards to the physical and mental human rights violations that occurred during the War on Terror. An in-depth analysis through the use of a theoretical framework that consist of three benchmarks will be applied to two sperate case studies; focusing on the policy tool of extraordinary rendition and the prisoner abuse in the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. By analyzing the potential pattern that emerges from the case study analysis it will allow us to determine whether there is a decay in human rights norms. The two aforementioned case studies will be evaluated against three criteria and the outcome of this will determine if there is a consistent pattern of decay. The first criteria, analyzes the number of cases of human rights violations and how these have changed during the George W. Bush administration. The second, analyzes the changes in procedures and polices enabling prisoner abuse and human rights decay. The third, analyzes accountability focusing on how the George W. Bush administration interfered in legal proceedings enabling more abuse. Conceptualizing how a norm, regarding physical and mental human rights could decay. In this context, this thesis examines how the terrorist attacks on the domestic United States resulted in a change in counter-terrorism policies, and how those changes influenced human rights as a social norm leading to a decay.Show less
Has the US-Mexico border security been redefined in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks? If so, how is this reflected in US policy and public discourse? This thesis considers...Show moreHas the US-Mexico border security been redefined in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks? If so, how is this reflected in US policy and public discourse? This thesis considers the period immediately prior to and after 9/11 and proposes to look into three distinctive policy areas, namely drug enforcement, immigration, and counter-terrorism. Incorporating theoretical insights from constructivism and the Copenhagen School of security studies, as well as conceptual accounts of discourse in post-structuralist understanding, the paper investigates the changing practice and politics of US border security before and after 9/11 and assesses implications on the US-Mexico bilateral relations. This analysis highlights a complex nexus o non-military factors that pertain to security; it contends that the border was discursively framed as a national security threat by turning it into the point of intersection between aspects traditionally perceived as "threats"- drug trafficking and immigration- and the discourse of the war on terror. Ultimately, it discusses how the US redefined the role played by its Southern border in order to serve its national interests and consolidate influence in the North American region.Show less
Consociationalism is a type of power-sharing that has been implemented throughout peace-agreements in several civil conflicts during the last decades and proved to be successful in satisfying the...Show moreConsociationalism is a type of power-sharing that has been implemented throughout peace-agreements in several civil conflicts during the last decades and proved to be successful in satisfying the major groups in dispute. Notwithstanding, feminist scholars claim that consociational settlements are detrimental for marginalized communities such as women, that are usually co-opted or ignored by state institutions that are framed to prioritize the main elite constituencies. However, saying that consociationalism is always unfavorable for women is limiting, not only because its features are not inherently against gender equality, but also because there is limited research regarding which intervening variables can induce consociational settlements in promoting women’s rights. The thesis aims at filling this academic vacuum by investigating whether consociationalism promotes women's rights with the conditions of having a feminist civil society and the international community involved in women's empowerment. Bosnia-Herzegovina and North Macedonia are the case studies selected for this analysis, as they are both consociations that experienced a civil conflict and share many socio-historical similarities. Therefore, the research question is: Does consociationalism impact gender equality? If so, under which conditions can consociationalism promote gender equality? Did Bosnia-Herzegovina, a corporative consociation, and North Macedonia, a hybrid consociationalism, promote gender equality between 2005 and 2018?Show less
Notwithstanding the risk of counter-hegemonic strategies, why could the United States successfully use the centrality of the dollar in the global financial system as a geopolitical weapon in their...Show moreNotwithstanding the risk of counter-hegemonic strategies, why could the United States successfully use the centrality of the dollar in the global financial system as a geopolitical weapon in their sanctions against Iran, both before and after the Iran Nuclear Deal? )?”. This thesis argues that the US derived structural power from the centrality of the dollar in the global financial system, which persisted over time due to the structure of the global financial system. This structural power allowed the US to exclude Iran from the global financial system by applying extraterritorial mechanism to third parties within the financial sanctions. Although this structural power is unique to the network position of the US, more profound counter-hegemonic strategies emerge when this structural power is not embedded in a multilateral coalition.Show less
This thesis identifies three criteria to determine when democracy promotion succeeds. These criteria will then be applied to the case study of United States’ democracy promotion in Iraq after 9/11....Show moreThis thesis identifies three criteria to determine when democracy promotion succeeds. These criteria will then be applied to the case study of United States’ democracy promotion in Iraq after 9/11. In the following chapters, this thesis argues that democracy cannot just be planted somewhere and thrive, but that it is a long and complex process that requires a civil society which is supportive of democracy. The US approach to democracy promotion in Iraq was deeply flawed – not taking into account the local realities of a deeply divided society. American assumptions that civil society could be developed smoothly and without problems proved false in Iraq, a country which has virtually no experience with democracy. Furthermore, this thesis will argue that Iraq was not receptive to democracy because of historical experiences, low American credibility and general anti-Western sentiments (as a result of British colonial rule and prior American interventionism in the Middle East).Show less
Obama and Trump have always been regarded as being diametrically opposed in their conception of domestic and foreign politics. The election of Trump has been considered as a rupture with the Obama...Show moreObama and Trump have always been regarded as being diametrically opposed in their conception of domestic and foreign politics. The election of Trump has been considered as a rupture with the Obama’s presidency until the point of being accused of having as main goal of erasing all the political work performed by Obama in his eight-year mandate. Specifically, from the moment in which Trump took power, an international concern grew with regard to the future of the liberal international order, which might be put in serious danger as a result of the application of the America First rhetoric. By placing US interests at the center of his foreign policy, Trump has engaged in the LIO with a very different behaviour than Obama. In this thesis I will explore these different behaviors by analyzing how the two presidents have participated in international agreements, by conducting a comparative analysis of two specific treaties: The Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement. This comparison will also shed a light on the impacts that these two opposed approaches may have on the order.Show less
The rising prominence of Chinese aid has aroused both enthusiasm and worry among those concerned with economic development. Some believe that China’s approach to aid offers developing countries a...Show moreThe rising prominence of Chinese aid has aroused both enthusiasm and worry among those concerned with economic development. Some believe that China’s approach to aid offers developing countries a better alternative than traditional methods of aid, that have arguably failed to stimulate economic development among emerging economies. Others believe that China threatens the international aid architecture, and its engagements in the developing world represent a “neo-colonial” relationship with recipient countries. Yet, despite these contesting debates, very little empirical research tests China’s effectiveness in stimulating economic development in developing economies, specifically their engagements in South Asia. This research hopes to use the China-Pakistan economic corridor as a case-study to analyse China’s engagements in Pakistan, a topic not currently discussed in mainstream international relations. Using Ezeala-Harrison’s theory of economic definition to test China’s developmental efforts in Pakistan, the findings of this study critique China’s aid patterns in developing countries, and hope to reveal the deeper underlying motivations behind China’s investments in Pakistan, and in extension, their engagements with the developing world.Show less
This thesis deals with the how and under which conditions does the Turkish denial (and the international politics surrounding this) of the Armenian genocide has shaped the formation of Armenian...Show moreThis thesis deals with the how and under which conditions does the Turkish denial (and the international politics surrounding this) of the Armenian genocide has shaped the formation of Armenian identity.Show less
This thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It...Show moreThis thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It explores the 2000 Dutch repeal of the brothels ban and the 1999 Swedish prohibition on the purchase of sex services. It posed the question - What are the discourses underlying the two dominant feminist stances on Human Trafficking and its link to prostitution? Do they reveal a similar or a radically opposed logic in their articulation of female subject positions? If so, how? By employing post-structuralist theory of discourse, notions of bio-power, docile bodies, governmentality and others, this paper argues that despite the fierce opposition between radical and liberal feminist standpoints on the two issues at hand, both positions frame female subjects as bodies to be governed or as the loci for state incursions and governmental control. In the case of abolitionist feminists, women are held to be passive victims who are in need of governmental protection and saving. Conversely, the liberal stance perceives them as a separate economic class that must be placed under state supervision with its activities regulated and controlled. Importantly, this thesis contributes to the research on international political theory by offering a new interpretation of the debate on HT and prostitution. By employing a comparative case study as means to demonstrate its theoretical argument, it aims to create an alternative understanding of the polarised debate which essentially expresses one overarching framework. As such, it is highly relevant to post-modern feminist theory and gender studies since it presents a new perspective on one of the central and most pressing crises in global gender equality. This assertion is of vital importance for international relations and regionalist debates on state power insofar as it addresses important questions concerning the role of the nation-state in managing domestic affairs, such as prostitution, and tackling international issues, such as HT. In that regard, this paper argues against one of the widely-held beliefs, prevalent in liberal political circles, envisioning a decreased role for post-modern states in international relations and national policies. Instead, it posits that the construction of the two feminist discourses, creating easily governable subjects and enhancing state interventions, and their policy impact on HT and prostitution have successfully worked to solidify the role of the nation-state in addressing both HT and prostitution. Lastly, radical and liberal feminist movements in Sweden and The Netherlands have rendered one of the most successful lobbying efforts in the world which manifests the implications of international and regional political debates on national level. Admittedly, this serves a wider agenda in which national Dutch and Swedish feminist movements embody a culminating success of a global endeavour and as such are of broad importance with indisputably reverberating effects.Show less
Recent political developments would suggest that liberal democracies are in decline. The election of Donald Trump in the United States and democratic backsliding in countries such as Poland and...Show moreRecent political developments would suggest that liberal democracies are in decline. The election of Donald Trump in the United States and democratic backsliding in countries such as Poland and Hungary have sparked debates about the prospects of democratic resilience and integrity. The authoritarian turn of the Republic of Turkey – which started most visibly with the brutal crush of the Gezi Protests in 2013 – has caused a global outcry over the democratic decay in Turkey and shattered hopes in respect to a successful ‘Turkish model’. In this particular case of de-democratization, academic as well as journalistic attention was for the most part focused on the religious, Islamist dimension of the ruling party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), and its relation to the democratic regress taking place. This thesis seeks to take a different route by analyzing the economic development of Turkey under AKP leadership and its political ramifications. The AKP governments have sustained and reinforced the neoliberalization process that had already commenced in the 1980s. While the process of neoliberalization under the AKP has been conducive for economic growth, it has led to an exacerbation of political and economic inequality, accompanied by severe outcomes for democratic integrity and Turkey’s political landscape. Crucial aspects of Turkish democracy, policymaking and the Turkish welfare state, as well as issues of poverty and inequality, have been negatively impacted by the transformation of the Turkish economy. Furthermore, the majoritarian understanding of democracy and governance has fueled a hostile political environment in which critics of the AKP government and President Erdoğan are cast as enemies to Turkish democracy. This thesis hence contributes to the understanding of Turkey as a neoliberal state in which the process of neoliberalization has intensified political, societal and economic polarization. Ultimately, with this analysis, I offer a conceptual theoretical intervention in the debate of the causes and consequences concerning democratic decline using Turkey as a case study.Show less
Higher education has now more than ever transformed into a commodity on which millions of young individuals across the United States of America put forward their hopes, dreams, aspirations, and...Show moreHigher education has now more than ever transformed into a commodity on which millions of young individuals across the United States of America put forward their hopes, dreams, aspirations, and success. In this view, it can be argued that the goal of moving up the socioeconomic ladder is highly dependent on the likelihood to which one can obtain a degree that will allow them to pursue their full potential in the workforce. Furthermore, given the tremendous increase in the number of undergraduates borrowing loans as well as the default rates on those loans, it is safe to assume that student debt is one of the critical issues for college graduates. This work aims to bridge the gap between the current research on the realization of college graduates in the United States labor force and the contemporary version of the American Dream based on data from the past ten years. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative measures, the goal is to ultimately expose the adverse effect of student loan debt on homeownership and unemployment rates alongside average earnings for college graduates.Show less
Many talk about how the Security Council's current composition is "illegitimate", but there appears to be little agreement as to what a "legitimate" Security Council would look like. This thesis...Show moreMany talk about how the Security Council's current composition is "illegitimate", but there appears to be little agreement as to what a "legitimate" Security Council would look like. This thesis uses Bruner's part-whole theory to analyse the narratives used by WEOG candidates for the Council's non-permanent seats for 2011-2012 and 2013-2014, to analyse what legitimacy arguments they deployed and what these say about the perceived legitimacy of the Council as a whole.Show less
With the boom in the Chinese economy and its increasing influence in the global world order, China adhered to a new strategy that focuses on improving its image in the world by relying solely on...Show moreWith the boom in the Chinese economy and its increasing influence in the global world order, China adhered to a new strategy that focuses on improving its image in the world by relying solely on soft power. China’s soft power strategy in the Middle East is little researched, however, the Middle East is of paramount global importance as the region is the world’s largest energy supplier. This thesis examines China’s soft power strategy and its key objectives in the Middle East through an in-depth analysis focusing on economic, cultural, political and military soft power initiatives. The findings of this research argue that China’s pivot towards the Middle East is primarily driven by its need to secure energy sources, as well as other economic interests. Its influence in the Middle East is rapidly increasing through these various soft power initiatives. Although China’s soft power strategy is mainly focused on economic and cultural soft power initiatives, political and military soft power initiatives have taken a larger focus in recent years. As China is gradually shifting from non-interference to limited-interference in the regions political and security affairs, it is committed to maintain and improve its image, which it attained solely through soft power, by not losing its neutrality while gradually becoming more proactive in the political and security field.Show less
