Space and its military uses are increasingly attracting the attention of the world's chancelleries. Last year Emmanuel Macron announced the creation of a new French space command, while Trump's...Show moreSpace and its military uses are increasingly attracting the attention of the world's chancelleries. Last year Emmanuel Macron announced the creation of a new French space command, while Trump's Space Force recently became the sixth branch of the US armed forces. This research aims to shed light on the evolution of the European Space Policy and its impact on the operations carried out under the umbrella of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The military applications of the European flagship programmes Galileo and Coperniucs offer an interesting case study to understand the supranational intertwining of the space and defence domains, which culminated with the setup of the DG Defence Industry and Space. The thesis makes use of the neofunctionalist theory and its most useful theoretical concepts to delve into the relevant events concerning European space governance.Show less
As a result of large decentralization processes of recent times, Dutch decentral governments have had to increasingly deal with the implementation of laws and regulations coming from the European...Show moreAs a result of large decentralization processes of recent times, Dutch decentral governments have had to increasingly deal with the implementation of laws and regulations coming from the European Union (IPO1 and HNP2, 2015: 9). The decentralization process has allegedly made it therefore increasingly important for Dutch provinces and municipalities to influence European policies, as the latter are ultimately responsible for the implementation of said policies (Mastenbroek et al., 2013: 20). Next to this process of decentralization, another process has simultaneously taken place; namely, the fortification of the position of European provinces and municipalities within the EU decision-making procedure on laws and regulations. The strengthened position of regions and municipalities has been warranted by, among other institutions, the Committee of the Regions (ibid.). Situated in Brussels, the Committee exists of 350 members (and 350 alternates); these members are regionally or locally elected officials within their own member state (“About”, cor.europa.eu). Members write opinions on new EU laws which are proposed by the European Commission. Furthermore, the Committee of the Regions has, through its active promotion of multilevel governance (the institution has issued both a White Paper and a Charter on the application of this theory), established itself as an advocate for the inclusion of subnational governments in European-level policy crafting and implementation. Multilevel governance has been described by the Committee as cooperation between various levels of government (local, regional, national and supranational) (“A Charter to do what?”, portal.cor.europa.eu). The central research question of this thesis pertains to the ways in which Dutch Committee members make use of the Committee, as it has emerged that the Committee has multiple functions. The first chapter of this thesis will feature a theoretical and practical discussion of multilevel governance theory. In the second chapter, the history, functions, and level of influence of the Committee of the Regions will be touched upon. The third and final chapter contains the results of interviews conducted with representatives of both provincial- and municipal Dutch Committee members and an external academic in the field. The central question of chapter three, divided into subquestions, is posed with the purpose of determining in what ways the Dutch representatives have utilized the Committee of the Regions. The conclusion features an analysis as to which features of the Committee might be regarded of as characteristics of a multilevel governance institution.Show less
The lifting of internal borders across the European Union (EU) has brought new challenges to European security. Terrorists are enormously benefitting from the increasing openness of the Area of...Show moreThe lifting of internal borders across the European Union (EU) has brought new challenges to European security. Terrorists are enormously benefitting from the increasing openness of the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ) to perpetuate attacks. An intelligence service across the EU, comparable to the American FBI, would come as logical consequence. To this end, Europol, the European agency tasked with assisting MSs in intelligence cooperation, was established. However, it still lacks vital executive powers such as the ones to monitor suspects, arrest and launch its own investigations. This thesis focuses on how the lack of executive powers hindered Europol’s role as an intelligence actor during the deadly attacks of November 15, 2015 in Paris. The attacks are considered as a good example of transnational threat since they were coordinated by cell located in Belgium and valuable material of analysis because of the poor involvement of the agency. Finally, the dissertation sheds light on whether the events that affected the French capital triggered any important change at Europol’s mandate in counter-terrorism.Show less
The thesis researches the question of how people came to vote in favor of leaving the European Union during the 2016 referendum on the UK's EU membership. It critically assess one of the main...Show moreThe thesis researches the question of how people came to vote in favor of leaving the European Union during the 2016 referendum on the UK's EU membership. It critically assess one of the main explanations for public Euroscepticism: the identity approach. The authors argues that this approach is too static and doesn't fully explain the mechanisms and dynamics behind the Leave vote due to a over-reliance on qualitative methods and four theoretical misconceptions within the approach. Based upon a qualitative research strategy, and a case study involving Leave voters in England, the author argues that a wider theoretical framework, including the cultural schema of people, the public mood in the country and the opportunity for change theory, could help us to understand the mechanisms leading to the meanings and beliefs that underlie the 2016 Leave vote.Show less
Euroscepticism has become a burgeoning field of academic discussion in recent decades, but its impact on the European Union has never been fully quantified, particularly in the field of policy...Show moreEuroscepticism has become a burgeoning field of academic discussion in recent decades, but its impact on the European Union has never been fully quantified, particularly in the field of policy development. The thesis will take steps to provide some clarity in this area. The thesis will focus on three case studies: the United Kingdom, Denmark and Poland, and the impact of their Euroscepticism on Economic and Monetary Union, social policy, migration policies, and the notion of the EU as a liberal integration project. The thesis will find that increasing anti-migration rhetoric identified across all case studies, opposition to monetary integration, welfare chauvinism and fears over supranationality are restraining European policy development, and giving rise to a multi-speed Europe. The thesis will also find that the role of historic relations with Europe, and nationalist mythos continue to shape British ‘hard Euroscepticism and Danish and Polish ‘soft’ Euroscepticism. Indeed, the thesis will also argue that pervasive Eurosceptic rhetoric, which has existed for decades, shapes the rhetoric and policy direction of the EU, with overtures towards narrowing the ‘democratic deficit’ and attempting to establish direct citizen-institution relations.Show less
This article investigates which factors cause the difference in EU response towards the governments of Hungary and Poland. The incumbent Hungarian and Polish administrations have changed their...Show moreThis article investigates which factors cause the difference in EU response towards the governments of Hungary and Poland. The incumbent Hungarian and Polish administrations have changed their constitutional system that put the independence of the judiciary and respect for the European rule of law values at risk. The EU has responded differently in Hungary and Poland regarding the rule of law and independence of judiciary. The Treaties however, provide the obligation for EU institutions to treat all member states equally. This research follows a contextual research design and a comparative case study analysis to identify the factors that could explain the difference in the EU response. The research results show that the difference in EU response could be explained via party group protection, timing of the reforms, lessons learned by the EU and the domestic support for the EU. This research draws four key conclusions. First, the level of party group protection within the European Parliament decreases the effect of criticism on a member state’s government. Second, when a member state reforms its constitutional system, a well-timed strategy can reduce EU- interference. Third, EU’s learned lessons contributed to a different approach to member states that threaten the respect for the rule of law. Fourth, the level of domestic EU-support increases the chances of EU interference in a member state. The pro-EU citizens could serve as a buffer for EU interventions.Show less
The world of development cooperation is a dynamic arena. Currently, the position of the EU as a donor in Africa is influenced by two specific developments. Firstly, the EU risks losing an important...Show moreThe world of development cooperation is a dynamic arena. Currently, the position of the EU as a donor in Africa is influenced by two specific developments. Firstly, the EU risks losing an important partner for development, because of the limited priority of the Trump administration with regard to development cooperation. Secondly, former recipients of aid have started to set-up their own development programs. China is the most notable example and has a significantly different approach towards the development of Africa than the EU. This thesis will try to answer the question whether the current international situation negatively affects the position of the EU as a donor in sub-Saharan Africa. Through interviews and a literature study, the international situation and the different approaches of the EU and China with regard to development cooperation are discussed. This thesis will argue that the international situation for development cooperation is changing and could have a negative effect on the EU as a donor. It will delineate that conflicts could arise between the EU and China if they continue on this path. However, the effects of the identified conflicts could be reduced through increased communication. The thesis will demonstrate that while close cooperation is currently a bridge too far, coordination might provide a solution to mitigate the negative effects of the identified conflicts.Show less
This research aims to look at the securitisation of migration during the refugee crisis. It looks at the role of the EU institutions in securitising the issue of migration, specifically from the...Show moreThis research aims to look at the securitisation of migration during the refugee crisis. It looks at the role of the EU institutions in securitising the issue of migration, specifically from the time period of 2015 to 2017, which is a time described as a ‘refugee crisis’ in the European Union. By looking at specific EU documents, reports and speeches alongside analysing the actual policies and practices that the EU took during this time, it is shown that securitisation of migration is happening in the practices and policies that the EU introduces. The securitisation of migration in actual speeches, however, is more nuanced and is embedded in the humanitarian principles that EU upholds.Show less
In a changing world where the global strategic hegemony of the United States can no longer be taken for granted, could the EU rise to the occasion as a non-traditional world power and effectively...Show moreIn a changing world where the global strategic hegemony of the United States can no longer be taken for granted, could the EU rise to the occasion as a non-traditional world power and effectively influence security situations in its periphery? Using the South China Sea situation as an example, I will argue that first, the EU needs to mend internal divisions and construct a detailed foreign policy, supported by all its Member States.Show less
This study set about answering the question what significance the bilateral relationship between the Netherlands and Germany has for consensus- and coalition-building within the EU.
The European Neighbourhood Policy was launched in the year 2004 and aimed at promoting prosperity, stability and security in the neighbouring countries. The Thesis tests the explanatory power of...Show moreThe European Neighbourhood Policy was launched in the year 2004 and aimed at promoting prosperity, stability and security in the neighbouring countries. The Thesis tests the explanatory power of European Integration theories in explaining the formation of the European Neighbourhood Policy on the European level. Elements of the theory of Liberal Intergovernmentalism, the theory of intensive transgovernmentalism and historical institutionalism are used. The Thesis aims to answer the question why the European Neighbourhood Policy appeared on the ENP, which factors influenced its shape and who were the relevant actors. The ENP is an interesting policy to research for different reasons. The countries participating in the ENP differ in their political and economic development. Furthermore, after the Enlargement round in 2004 it was one of the first foreign policies in which the European Commission had a significant role. The Thesis aims to analyse the interplay between the European Institutions which led to the current policy and the policy emphasis on security and stability. The relevant documents of the European Commission, the Presidency Conclusions of the European Council and the Conclusions of the General Affairs and External Relations Council were analysed. The Enlargement of the EU in 2004 triggered the initiation of the ENP as it led to a new neighbourhood of the EU, this can be explained by the mechanism of Path-dependency. The preferences of the Member States of the EU, the decision to conduct in common the relations with the new neighbourhood on a European level and the economic cooperation with the new neighbouring states can be explained with the Liberal Intergovernmentalism. The intensive transgovernmentalism explains the distinguished role of few Member States in initiating the ENP, for example as Poland. It is assumed that the European Council and the General Affairs and External Relations Council set the objectives as prosperity, stability and security on the basis of the Member States preferences. The Commission used similar tools as in the policy of Enlargement, for example conditionality, and expanded its influence in the policy of foreign affairs. Its influence on the objectives was limited.Show less
Portugal was the least developed country to join the European Communities before the Eastern enlargement. Its economy was characterized by weak commercial ties to Europe, a large agricultural...Show morePortugal was the least developed country to join the European Communities before the Eastern enlargement. Its economy was characterized by weak commercial ties to Europe, a large agricultural sector employing more than one fourth of the labor force, lacking infrastructure and capital-intensive industries, and having a high illiteracy rate. Integration into the Communities influenced the transformation of Portugal into a modern market economy through three different channels. Firstly, the liberalization brought about by the common market attracted important foreign investments, induced domestic investment activity, promoted the competitiveness of light industries, and consolidated trade relations with Spain. Secondly, the modernization of sectors governed by the specific national or European policies (agriculture, fisheries, banking), was largely affected by the capabilities of the Portuguese administration. Thirdly, the EC Cohesion Policy contributed largely to the convergence with other Member States, but did not eliminate the regional disparities inside of Portugal. Most of the findings regarding the effects of the European economic integration prove to be applicable also in case of the Czech Republic and Hungary, undergoing their transformation and Europeanization two decades later.Show less
The European Union’s representation to multilateral organisations is a vital element in its external action framework. The Union promotes an efficient multilateral system to advocate universal...Show moreThe European Union’s representation to multilateral organisations is a vital element in its external action framework. The Union promotes an efficient multilateral system to advocate universal rights and to respond to worldwide crises, with support of the international community. Global dynamics and power relations are changing. New threats to security and peace are altering and financial pressures confine the future development of peace and security capabilities. In the contemporary global order, the EU is called upon to assume greater international responsibilities. To achieve a more unified and continued representation in the multilateral system, EU coordination and representation are essential. To analyse the way in which EU representation operates in the multilateral system and whether the Treaty of Lisbon provides the appropriate improvements, two research questions are formulated: 1) how does the EU function in the multilateral system of the UN, and 2) does the Lisbon Treaty provide the EU with the means necessary to project a more coherent and effective multilateral representative framework? Using case studies on the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly, the analysis examines the notion of European foreign policies versus European foreign policy. It will argue that though rhetorical support is strong, effective implementation is yet to be realised. The declared intention of unified external representation is not always persuasive, especially when the EU-28 fails to consolidate interests within the Union itself. However, throughout the development of the EU-UN partnership, multilateral representation of the Union has been greatly enhanced. In general, EU-UNSC representation is less coherent, mostly due to ‘high’ politics. Moreover, the seats of France and UK do not reflect the contemporary global order, nor do they specifically benefit the EU’s multilateral representation. In the UNGA, EU representation is more coherent. This is caused primarily by greater coordination, a weaker political agenda, and the Union’s enhanced observer status. The thesis will address why EU representation in the two most important UN bodies is dissimilar, and will provide an analysis of how the Lisbon Treaty has aided the Union’s ambitions in the multilateral system.Show less
