This work discusses political strategic communication through an assessment of German television debates between chancellor candidates. The analysis of the German debates, which is based on the...Show moreThis work discusses political strategic communication through an assessment of German television debates between chancellor candidates. The analysis of the German debates, which is based on the Functional Theory and supported through the concept of collective identity, reveals that politicians construct collective identities during the political debates, in an aim to appeal to their audience and gain their votes. The Functional Theory of political campaign discourse is a widely used theory within the field of political campaign research. Most work has been conducted on television debates in the United States, yet it strives to be perceived not only as a national but as an internationally applicable theory. The paper forms a comprehensive picture of strategy within the competitive political discourse, through the application of the Functional Theory to the German political context.Show less
Peacekeeping has become one of the most enduring traditions, symbols, and narratives that constitutes Canadian national identity and strategic culture since Lester B. Pearson won the Nobel Peace...Show morePeacekeeping has become one of the most enduring traditions, symbols, and narratives that constitutes Canadian national identity and strategic culture since Lester B. Pearson won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1957 for creating the first peacekeeping force. However, upon closer inspection of Canada’s record on peacekeeping, contradictions emerge between the promise and practice of this national tradition. Why does peacekeeping persist as a tenet of Canadian identity and strategic culture when it no longer plays a prominent international role in peacekeeping? While perplexing, the theories of strategic cultural change and competing strategic subcultures provide the framework for addressing this question. This thesis finds that contradictions persist in the promise and practice of peacekeeping because while the Pearsonian Internationalist subculture that grew out of Canada’s peacekeeping achievements is no longer a dominant worldview, it endures as a potent vestigial influence that continues to strike at the heart of what it means to be Canadian and helps contextualize the efficaciousness of the new Robust Western Ally hegemonic subculture’s policy preferences. Through employing a Foucauldian Discourse Analysis to reveal the mechanisms of power employed by the competing subcultures in academic, media, and political discourses, this thesis sheds light on how norms, narratives, and cultural factors that have clandestinely and conflictingly influenced strategic preferences on peacekeeping in Canada from 1991 to 2017.Show less
The investigation of Porto M, a non-traditional museum on the island of Lampedusa, analyses the deeper motives behind the curators’ aesthetic choices and their political meanings. This non...Show moreThe investigation of Porto M, a non-traditional museum on the island of Lampedusa, analyses the deeper motives behind the curators’ aesthetic choices and their political meanings. This non-conventional museum is a site of memory, politics, and resistance: It performs memory and political practices to denounce Western forms of domination and abuse of power, such as (neo)colonialism, (neo)imperialism and exploitation of the territory. Porto M creates a memory that shed light on issues related to migration raises awareness on migrants' and Lampedusani's difficulties on the island and also actively opposes the militarisation of Lampedusa. Show less
In early 2019, a nearly three decade old naming dispute came to an end between Greece and (North) Macedonia through the Prespa Agreement’s ratification. The dispute started in the early nineties...Show moreIn early 2019, a nearly three decade old naming dispute came to an end between Greece and (North) Macedonia through the Prespa Agreement’s ratification. The dispute started in the early nineties after the former Yugoslav Republic declared itself independent under the name of ‘Republic of Macedonia’. Since Greece perceives Ancient Macedonian history and heritage as part of its national identity, the country refused to recognize its neighboring country’s name. In the time period between 1991 and 2018, domestic politics in both Greece and Macedonia showed mutually exclusive characteristics regarding the ownership of the symbolism of Macedonia. Considering the three decade long non-settlement of the naming issue, it only took a rough six months to come to the Prespa Agreement. Through the use of discourse analysis, speech acts of Greek and Macedonian governments have been analyzed in order to grasp how it was possible to come to such a quick consensus after many years of non-agreement. In this research will be argued that the Prespa Agreement was possible through the shift from arguing to bargaining the naming issue. Furthermore, the Prespa Agreement was strategically used by both nation states to negotiate the boundaries between the two national identities.Show less
Automation will impact economies in the future by drastically changing the labor market composition, and potentially cause a massive global job loss. In light of this, governments should try to...Show moreAutomation will impact economies in the future by drastically changing the labor market composition, and potentially cause a massive global job loss. In light of this, governments should try to enact policies that can absorb the impacts of automation. One such suggestion is that of a Universal Basic Income, which guarantees individuals a basic monthly income without any conditions. In light of UBI, post-monetarism offers a perspective that connects individuals and social monetary relations, by looking into how elements of society that is connected with money determines the social relationship it has with individuals. Post-monetarism reflects on the interconnections between work, money, and an individual's participation in an economy. Those who attempt to enact UBI policies can benefit from a post-monetarist perspective as it helps to explain the nuances of the elements that connect money and individuals. Work does not only provide monetary compensation for individuals, but they also provide meaning and motivation to participate in society and an economy. UBI has been at the forefront on the political economic discourse regarding automation and its effects on the job market. However, one aspect that is often missing from the discourse is the economic culture that is fostered through the social monetary relations in a society. An example of a case where a post-monetarist perspective is missing and could add more substance to a particular discourse is in the case of Finland's attempt to conduct a study on the effects of UBI. This paper demonstrates that the study in Finland did not provide more substantial results as there was a large knowledge gap between the post-monetarist perspective and the way it sees UBI and the way the UBI policies were enacted in the Finnish study.Show less
Language is a topic that has been routinely manipulated and contested in the political arena. It was a significant tool during the colonial era and has also acted as a force for social unity among...Show moreLanguage is a topic that has been routinely manipulated and contested in the political arena. It was a significant tool during the colonial era and has also acted as a force for social unity among divided peoples. Major empires have succeeded in subjugating the conquered by imposing their own language. This has led to minoritisation of languages that were once widely spoken in certain countries and regions. In the era of postcolonialism and multiculturalism, language continues to be a battleground where old fears and rivalries play out. In Western Europe, there are a range of official attitudes towards minority and regional languages. These attitudes are generally reflected in the status given (or not) to such languages by the governments in the affected countries. There is a lack of comparative work in the field at present, with most scholars focusing on individual cases. Through both positive (Republic of Ireland and Spain) and negative (Northern Ireland and Franco-era Spain) cases, this paper will show how economic and political power play a crucial role in preserving minority languages.Show less
In 1996, the Ottawa Declaration established the Arctic Council (AC) with eight states, all of which have territory in the Arctic. The AC is the leading intergovernmental forum in terms of...Show moreIn 1996, the Ottawa Declaration established the Arctic Council (AC) with eight states, all of which have territory in the Arctic. The AC is the leading intergovernmental forum in terms of sustainable development and environmental protection in the Arctic. This forum promotes cooperation, coordination, and interaction among the Arctic States and among Arctic indigenous communities. The Netherlands became an Observer in 1998, whereas China joined the AC in 2013. Both states are concerned about the impact of climate change in the Arctic region and the different kinds of consequences it may have for their state. Both states contribute to the AC with scientific knowledge, and they participate in several Working Groups. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) helps explore and understand the meaning of the role of the Netherlands and China as Observers, leading to an answer to how both states use science diplomacy (SD) as a strategic tool and potentially revealing hidden agendas in terms of the nature of their economic interest. Although CDA did not unfold hidden agendas of both states, what can be said is that probably both states are using SD as a strategic tool to shift attention away from their own (economic) incentives.Show less
Many scholars today are occupied with China’s engagements with Africa, as China is slowly changing the rules of development. One of the largest nations it is interacting with today is Kenya, and...Show moreMany scholars today are occupied with China’s engagements with Africa, as China is slowly changing the rules of development. One of the largest nations it is interacting with today is Kenya, and this thesis will apply three theories in international relations to the case of economic development under Chinese investments in Kenya: the theories of Wallerstein, Alden and Nurkse which elaborate on global, regional, and national engagement with developing economies respectively. The main objective of this thesis is to identify and illustrate the effects of China’s financial support and investments in Kenya’s economy. China’s rhetoric of mutually beneficial cooperation reflects, at least theoretically, its benevolence and underlying focus on development. China’s underlying economic and diplomatic motivations will be discussed, followed by expounding on the presence of Chinese businesses in Kenya, the Chinese One Belt, One Road initiative, and Kenya’s Vision 2030. The Kenyan government should be careful to keep the economic growth in its own hands by not relying too much on Chinese credit loans and investments, but focus at generating its own capital.Show less
This thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness....Show moreThis thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness. This shall be done through a comparative study of the policies and praxis in Greece governing migrants on the two polar ends of the socioeconomic spectrum: asylum seekers migrating without state authorisation v. investor migrants passing through so-called ‘Golden Visa’ programmes. The former group is comprised of individuals forced to flee to survive, yet unable to migrate lawfully to a region where they may apply for asylum due to an absence of safe, legal channels. The latter, though they certainly may have non-economic incentives to migrate, ultimately purchase state inclusion as an asset which suits their needs. This comparison juxtaposes the readiness of the state to grant inclusion on humanitarian grounds against its willingness to grant inclusion as a function of the market.Show less
This master thesis discusses the securitization of the issue migration in Hungary. I argue that in 2017 the securitization discourse surrounding migration changed and the issue was reframed as a...Show moreThis master thesis discusses the securitization of the issue migration in Hungary. I argue that in 2017 the securitization discourse surrounding migration changed and the issue was reframed as a threat to the political security sector rather than a social and economic one. It focuses especially on the Soros plan and on the way the Hungarian government exploited this narrative to justify the country illiberal turn by creating a bridge that connected it to the issue of migration and how in turn this affected the protection of liberal freedom and rights in the country of Hungarian citizens and not citizens alike.Show less
This thesis engaged with the research question: How do multilateral institutions, fossil fuel companies and environmental nongovernmental organisations attempt to fixate meaning in climate change...Show moreThis thesis engaged with the research question: How do multilateral institutions, fossil fuel companies and environmental nongovernmental organisations attempt to fixate meaning in climate change discourse to steer international climate change governance? The analysis reveals that governments and the fossil fuel industry problematise climate change as a challenge of decarbonising society, which can be achieved with technological and economic solutions. The climate change challenge is depoliticised, because this strategy enables the root cause of climate change, the fossil fuel-based energy chain, to be left intact. By articulating this strategy in the context of justice and responsibility, social consent is generated and the hegemonic position of states and the fossil fuel industry is safeguarded. ENGOs attempt to re-politicise the climate change problem by articulating it as an opportunity for systemic social change and trying to break social consent for the hegemonic bloc. Their strategies for influencing and steering governance, however, are limited as a result of structural constraints. This demonstrates the hegemonic position of states and the fossil fuel industry.Show less
This thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It...Show moreThis thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It compares these findings to the existing literature on the nature of Hezbollah. It is found that pragmatic considerations concerning Hezbollah's own security and its weapons supplies through Syria were its main motivators, despite ideologically charged rhetoric. In the literature, this reality is best reflected by those that acknowledge the duality of Hezbollah's ties to Lebanon and aims of integration into Lebanese politics on the one hand and its ties to Iran and fight against Israel on the other.Show less
