There is a presumed legitimacy for the state to intervene in domestic trade because it is the arbiter between citizens within the state. In international trade, however, there is no presumed...Show moreThere is a presumed legitimacy for the state to intervene in domestic trade because it is the arbiter between citizens within the state. In international trade, however, there is no presumed overarching sovereign political institution such as the state to fulfil a similar role. In order to answer the question of what the limits of state intervention in international trade are I will argue that there is no legitimate role for the state to play. I will do this by turning to Locke’s social contract theory of political obligation, and show that state interventions in international trade lie beyond the legitimate domain of state action. After this critique I will introduce a possible way in which states may still intervene in trade by analysing James’ principle of structural equity, which applies Rawlsian Justice in the domain of international trade. Through the principle of structural equity James tries to legitimize interventions in trade by appealing to a constructivist social practice approach where nation’s mutual reliance on trade furnishes the grounds for intervention in international trade. I will then point out that this approach is misguided, and cannot be accepted by libertarian thinkers because James appeals to the wrong agent involved in international trade, and consequently fails to legitimize the principles of structural equity. Moreover I will argue for a laissez faire approach to international trade which is based on the idea that if there is no overarching sovereign political authority in international trade, then there are no rules and regulations in such trade, except for those which the contractees agree too. Finally I will respond to a number of possible objections to this laissez faire approach.Show less
Mental disorders: living with it is a challenge in and of itself. But life with a mental illness is made even more difficult by systematic injustice sufferers have long faced. Political philosophy...Show moreMental disorders: living with it is a challenge in and of itself. But life with a mental illness is made even more difficult by systematic injustice sufferers have long faced. Political philosophy can give us an example of how to organise our societies, but often fails to address the struggles of the mentally ill. Can we find a politically philosophical theory that can explain how we should address problems regarding the ‘mad’?Show less
Research question: Can a universal basic income negate the social and economic effects resulting from automation, and if so, is a universal basic income a morally just solution?
Abstract: Since four decades actual liberal democracies are characterized by the development that material wealth increasingly concentrates in the hands of a small fraction of society. This...Show moreAbstract: Since four decades actual liberal democracies are characterized by the development that material wealth increasingly concentrates in the hands of a small fraction of society. This development is especially problematic for the most central value of liberal societies: liberty. This is because individuals enjoy liberty only if they are guaranteed equal democratic codetermination. In the first chapter I argue, that massive concentrations of material wealth undermine the democratic process because material power can be transferred to political power. To safeguard liberty new economic institutions have to be found that guarantee equal political codetermination necessitating the prevention of massive concentrations of wealth in the hands of a minority of society. In the second chapter I introduce Alan Thomas’ proposal that aims at giving a feasible solution for liberal societies that face the threat of a loss of liberty by dominating economic elites. Thomas suggests rearranging the economic institutions such that democratic equality is guaranteed. This he sees met by the institutions of a property-owning democracy that characterises especially by the widespread dispersion of capital among citizens. Thomas claims that a property-owning democracy is superior to other types of economic organization because it is not only structuring social interaction such that outcomes are just, but he also sees it mastering the task to reconcile economic efficiency with democratic equality. The feasibility of Thomas’ proposal to safeguard liberty are centre of the discussion in the third chapter.Show less
Since the beginning of the 1980s, much debate in the jurisprudential literature on freedom of speech has been about the (alleged) right to produce and publish pornography. Law professor and...Show moreSince the beginning of the 1980s, much debate in the jurisprudential literature on freedom of speech has been about the (alleged) right to produce and publish pornography. Law professor and feminist Catherine A. MacKinnon produced an interesting argument to justify censorship: pornography itself silences women (and we are allowed to silence silencing speech). This thesis seeks to investigate this normative defence of the 'silencing of the silencing', particular in the form promulgated by Rae Langton from the 1990s on. It argues that Langton and other feminists are right to conclude that free speech implies more than a mere 'right to locution' -- there must also be a right to be heard. Yet, it puts into question the premise that that fact alone could justify a censorship. That usually constitutes an offence against the spirit of autonomy, one of the main reasons to accept free speech in the first place.Show less
In this thesis an answer will be given to the question what the effects are of privatization on the access to education and whether it is desirable that education is privatized – and if so, in what...Show moreIn this thesis an answer will be given to the question what the effects are of privatization on the access to education and whether it is desirable that education is privatized – and if so, in what way. To determine an answer to this question this thesis will first present different arguments in favor and against privatization in general and then introduce four different forms of provision. Consequently, the earlier presented arguments will be applied to the four different ideal types of provision for the case of education. In the end this thesis will conclude that some form of privatization is desirable, as it generates a higher degree of efficiency and therefore reduces the cost of educational provision. However, since a purely privatized provision of education is subject to undesirable consequences - such as problems with equality of opportunity - this thesis states that a privatized supply side is the best form of educational provision, because it entails efficiency and equality of opportunity.Show less
This thesis critically examines Sinnott-Armstrong’s argument against moral particularism. He argues that moral particularism is untenable, claiming that even the weakest, most defensible version of...Show moreThis thesis critically examines Sinnott-Armstrong’s argument against moral particularism. He argues that moral particularism is untenable, claiming that even the weakest, most defensible version of moral particularism cannot be maintained. His main point is that particularism entails intuitionism, and that intuitionism is so objectionable, one ought to reject moral particularism as well. I show why Sinnott-Armstrong’s argument packs a strong punch against the particularist project, as Sinnott-Armstrong is correct in claiming that particularists necessarily need to accept intuitionism. However, I conclude that Sinnott-Amrstrong's argument against particularism does not succeed, as intuitionism really is not as objectionable as he makes it out it be.Show less
This paper seeks to clarify the concept of revenge pornography. Existing laws concerning revenge pornography are analysed and sorted into four separate categories, after which a definition of ...Show moreThis paper seeks to clarify the concept of revenge pornography. Existing laws concerning revenge pornography are analysed and sorted into four separate categories, after which a definition of (consensual) pornography is set out against definitions of four types of nonconsensual pornography, among which a definition of revenge pornography. This is followed by an analysis of the reasons for the lack of appropriate laws against revenge pornography and considers degrees of privacy. The discussion of the harms for victims will be followed by the identification of three kinds of wrongs and the identification of three kinds of perpetrators.Show less
Abstract: This paper investigates whether expected utility theory is a proper method for decision-making given the conditions of uncertainty surrounding climate change. I explain what expected...Show moreAbstract: This paper investigates whether expected utility theory is a proper method for decision-making given the conditions of uncertainty surrounding climate change. I explain what expected utility theory is and how Ramsey’s theory of partial belief can be used to infer subjective probabilities. By the use of the Allais paradox I show that one of the axioms, namely independence is unlikely to be satisfied. First, it can be the case that when applying expected utility theory one does not assign utilities and probabilities in a consistent manner. Second, I explain that the example of the Allais paradox is part of a broader phenomenon in which what is considered good about an option cannot be reduced to the goodness or badness of individual outcomes of this option. I conclude that expected utility theory is an improper method for decision-making about climate change policy.Show less
In this thesis I defend the recent ruling of the Hoge Raad that determined that free speech can be restricted when statements are contrary to democratic principles. Equal respect for dignity is one...Show moreIn this thesis I defend the recent ruling of the Hoge Raad that determined that free speech can be restricted when statements are contrary to democratic principles. Equal respect for dignity is one of those important democratic principles, therefore I focus on the principle dignity and its relation to freedom of speech. Dignity commands recognition respect which means recognizing the equal authority and accountability of people. I argue that statements without any free speech interests can be restricted. Statements that contain valuable and harmful aspects can be restricted when the harm upstages the value. This is when the statement harms the essence of dignity and negates the relational aspect of freedom of speech.Show less
Een introductie op de discussie over de rechtvaardigheid van een basisinkomen tussen Philippe van Parijs en Stuart White. Belangrijkste discussie punt de positie van wederkerigheid in een...Show moreEen introductie op de discussie over de rechtvaardigheid van een basisinkomen tussen Philippe van Parijs en Stuart White. Belangrijkste discussie punt de positie van wederkerigheid in een rechtvaardiging van redistributie van middelen.Show less
This dissertation seeks to determine whether either anarchism or republicanism can realise the ideal of non-domination . Such work is of interest as adherents of these political ideologies, both...Show moreThis dissertation seeks to determine whether either anarchism or republicanism can realise the ideal of non-domination . Such work is of interest as adherents of these political ideologies, both increasingly prominent in recent years, have advanced their positions through the language of non-domination. It is argued that the republican approach to pursuing non-domination is, ultimately, unsuccessful. In contrast, it will be shown that anarchism, both in its ideals and its practices, is compatible with a plausible account of non-domination.Show less
In deze BA-scriptie zoek ik uit op basis waarvan we morele status (al dan niet) toekennen aan verschillende soorten dieren. Via Peter Singer en Tom Regan, die morele status beide toekennen op basis...Show moreIn deze BA-scriptie zoek ik uit op basis waarvan we morele status (al dan niet) toekennen aan verschillende soorten dieren. Via Peter Singer en Tom Regan, die morele status beide toekennen op basis van eigenschappen van een dier zelf, kom ik uit bij de positie van Midgley, die stelt dat morele oordelen ook sterk afhankelijk zijn van onze sympathie. Ik beargumenteer dat de plausibiliteit van de theorieën van Singer en Regan op deze menselijke eigenschap leunt, maar zij deze stap overslaan. Ik concludeer dat morele status een relationele eigenschap is, die zowel afhankelijk is van rationele eigenschappen van het dier als emotionele eigenschappen van onszelf.Show less
