In the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in...Show moreIn the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in official terms, the country largely operates outside of accepted democratic values. The aim of this paper is therefore to find out to what extent Cambodia can be considered a democracy. Focussing on the indicators of democratisation and de-democratisation processes (breadth, equality, protection, and mutually binding consultation), it becomes clear that Cambodia has been experiencing a process of de-democratisation. At the same time, the ruling party managed to increase its state capacity. This has been a necessary tool for the party to stay in power. Acknowledging that high state capacity can contribute to democratisation processes, it is surprising that high state capacity and democratisation do not seem to go hand in hand in the Cambodian case. The form of state capacity is therefore an important aspect. Focussing on Cambodia, it soon becomes clear that the country deviates from the Western standard. Cambodian politics and economics are centred around patronage and neopatrimonialism. This has been the main reason why efforts towards democratisation have failed in Cambodia and why an authoritarian regime remains in power.Show less
“Marcos is not a Hero!”, were the words that echoed throughout the country in the later months of 2016. The echoes reached far and beyond its domestic boundaries. For a moment, the cries of the...Show more“Marcos is not a Hero!”, were the words that echoed throughout the country in the later months of 2016. The echoes reached far and beyond its domestic boundaries. For a moment, the cries of the people - of the people who suffered, of the people whose loved ones are still missing, of the people who stood and continue to stand against the tyranny the Marcos regime reigned on the Philippines, resounded across the entire globe. Local and International media did not hold back on the coverage of the protesters who organized themselves in the masses in the Philippines, as well as in diaspora communities across Europe, the United States and Asia. The national outcry against the Marcos regime was a direct result of the decision made by the Supreme Court of the Philippines and President Rodrigo R. Duterte to allow former dictator Ferdinand Marcos to be buried at the Libingan ng Mga Bayani (LNMB or Heroes‟ Cemetery) on 18. November 2016.The burial of the former President Ferdinand E. Marcos at the Heroes Cemetery in November ignited a mix of pent up emotions on authoritarian rulership among millions of Filipinos. Speculations on the familial ties or characteristic similarities between Marcos and Duterte were kept at bay prior to the burial. Nevertheless, when President Duterte and the Supreme Court decided that they will pursue the state burial for the former dictator, it became evident that thirty years of democracy were not enough to forget the torrid past. During the burial demonstrations, the similarities between both former President Marcos and incumbent President Duterte began to raise suspicion on the return of the Marcosian ideology, the revitalization of strongman rulership and the “glorification the authoritarian brand of leadership” (Paddock 2016; Philstar.com „Marcos not a hero!‟ 2016). Prior to winning the 2016 Presidential Elections, Rodrigo Duterte‟s use of the populist political style became clear to the public, especially during specific turning points and highlights in his campaign. During his candidacy, Duterte neither hesitated to joke about rape, nor to speak about his plans to bring back the death penalty, to perform extrajudicial killings, or to reinstate Martial Law if needed. Every speech, video and article that came out about the candidate seemed to test the morality of the people more and more. The theatricality of Duterte‟s candidacy became evident in the narrative, in which he has constructed himself, as well as in the language that he used to articulate himself, and even in his late arrival to the elections (Curato 2017; 146-147). As Duterte‟s political style quickly proved its success, certain questions came to mind about the current progression of liberal democracy, like: How are Filipinos able to disregard their (catholic) morals and give their full support to a violent, threatening and misogynist leader? Have the pent-up feelings of the “silent majority” finally reached its culminating point? And, most importantly, how has he been able to successfully harness popular support out of hate, fear and bigotry? These questions on the fanaticism between both pro- and anti-Duterte, or pro- and anti-Marcos for that matter, are what sparked my initial interest in the Duterte phenomenon, regarding his 6 sudden rise in popularity, landslide victory and continued support from the electorate. Hence, this thesis will attempt to answer the research question: “How is Rodrigo inspired by Marcosian Politics?” in order to understand the revitalization of strongman rule and Marcosian Politics. To answer the overarching research question, the thesis will look into the aspects that contribute to the idea that the incumbent president is in any way inspired by the former dictator. This entails a closer look into Rodrigo Duterte‟s rise to power, as well as a look into how both presidents have treated their opposition. The sequence of the sub-questions gives focus to the thesis and clarifies the points that will be considered when analysing the elements of Marcosian Politics that Duterte allegedly draws inspiration from.Show less
The main aim of this thesis is to explore the implications of democracy promotion on ensuring free and fair elections in hybrid regimes. Despite the recent wave of democratization, some countries...Show moreThe main aim of this thesis is to explore the implications of democracy promotion on ensuring free and fair elections in hybrid regimes. Despite the recent wave of democratization, some countries have plunged back into authoritarianism. These regimes combine both democratic and authoritarian principles. Resultantly, they are referred to as hybrid regimes. The most common democratic feature that these hybrid regimes adapt are multiparty elections. However, elections in hybrid regimes are characterized by rigging of elections and serious human rights violations. Consequently, the international community has renewed its democracy promotion efforts. Similarly, the European Union (EU) has strengthened its democracy promotion in hybrid regimes with a focus on elections. This thesis seeks to answer the research question: What are the implications of the European Union’s democracy promotion on elections in Zimbabwe and Cambodia? The research question shall be answered through a comparative case study on the implications of the EU's democracy promotion on elections held in Zimbabwe and Cambodia from 2000 to 2013. Both case studies shall examine how internal factors (local factors within the countries) and external factors (weaknesses inherent in the EU's democracy promotion) influence the EU's efforts to ensure free and fair elections in hybrid regimes.Show less
Generally speaking, democratic values and confucian values are conceived to be irreconcilable. However, if one gives a closer look at John Deweys conception of a democracy, the opposite rather...Show moreGenerally speaking, democratic values and confucian values are conceived to be irreconcilable. However, if one gives a closer look at John Deweys conception of a democracy, the opposite rather seems to be the case. What is more, if one gives a closer look at the problems in the current Chinese healthcare system, a combination of democratic values and confucian values might just help Chinese officials to solve this problem - in the form of a Confucian Democracy.Show less
In January 2016, the newly established Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) started its operations. Supposed by media and academics to be partly a reaction to an unsatisfying international...Show moreIn January 2016, the newly established Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) started its operations. Supposed by media and academics to be partly a reaction to an unsatisfying international financial system, the emergence of this bank - which is still ongoing - has incited heated debate about the intentions behind its founding. One point of concern for more conservative analysts is the effect of its emergence on Sino-Japanese relations. Is the AIIB aiming at changing these relations and in what way does it or does it not? This thesis argues that concerns over a supposed hidden agenda or over supposed structural changes in China's foreign relations are not completely reasonable. The way in which the AIIB has been presenting itself to the world in its first operational year does not confirm worries among media and academics so far. Consequently, based on its first operational year of extensive cooperation with other development banks, the AIIB seems to be an institution that is rather conducive than detrimental to global development, also to the extent of Sino-Japanese relations.Show less
The term civil society started to gain worldwide prominence as a political force during the widespread collapse of authoritarianism in the mid-1970s and 1980s. With this extensive demise of...Show moreThe term civil society started to gain worldwide prominence as a political force during the widespread collapse of authoritarianism in the mid-1970s and 1980s. With this extensive demise of dictatorships across the globe, Burma became an increasingly isolated regime in the wake of mass democratisation. This thesis will analyse civil society within Burma in a holistic manner, utilising three distinct levels of analysis. The theoretical framework will introduce conceptualisations of civil society in the context of varying political regimes such as authoritarianism and democracy, introducing prominent theories postulated by Antonio Gramsci and Alexis de Tocqueville. The general political history of Burma will be dissected through the lens of civil society, in order to examine the environment within which civil society organisations were forced to develop. Lastly, specific case studies on three civil society organisations operating during or as a result of heightened public discontent, specifically during the 1988 and 2007 uprisings, will determine whether civil society in Burma was forced to develop a Gramscian frame or a Tocquevillean frame.Show less
The end of the Cold War marked the realisation that the global order is in a constant state of flux. The ultimate aim of this research was to assess ability of the most influential nation in the...Show moreThe end of the Cold War marked the realisation that the global order is in a constant state of flux. The ultimate aim of this research was to assess ability of the most influential nation in the world to navigate the changing world order in a way that precedes mutually beneficial international relations, using the interesting example of its tumultuous relationship with Southeast Asia. In order to approach such an overwhelming topic, the framework for this thesis draws upon the ideas of Samuel P. Huntington's expressed in his work The Clash of Civilizations: Remaking the World Order, and uses it to identify three areas where change has manifested itself most in the region since the early 1990s – religious diversity, rise of alternative powers and economic integration. The next step was to link the findings to the wider discussion on how shifting dynamics have given rise to the different power strategies. Using the conclusions from these findings, we can assert that, in the case of Southeast Asia, the US might have decided on the pivot of interest just in time. Indeed, it is very possible we could see more positive American presence in the future in the Asia-Pacific region in the form of ‘smart power’.Show less
Bali has been the core tourist destination in Indonesia for decades. Besides economic growth, the tourism industry has created changes in the natural environment of the island, as well as in the...Show moreBali has been the core tourist destination in Indonesia for decades. Besides economic growth, the tourism industry has created changes in the natural environment of the island, as well as in the local human habitat of the Balinese society. This thesis investigates how the tourism industry in Bali has flourished since the 1970, by means of analysing government policies. Moreover, it researches how processes of solid waste management, water supply, and land conversion have been affected by the strong growth and expansion of the Balinese tourism industry. Lastly, this thesis demonstrates that practices of sustainable tourism are essential for Bali to remain a popular tourism destination.Show less
This paper set out to examine how successful ASEAN was in making its regional governance more inclusive and “people-oriented”, as aimed for in its charter. This rhetorical shift towards greater...Show moreThis paper set out to examine how successful ASEAN was in making its regional governance more inclusive and “people-oriented”, as aimed for in its charter. This rhetorical shift towards greater people empowerment can be seen as a response to such external pressures as the rising civil society, international normative pressures as well as diminishing credibility due the regional challenges faced in the 90s, an attempt to regain ground domestically as well as internationally. It must be acknowledged that by adopting rhetoric of people empowerment slow but steady successes have been achieved. Notwithstanding the progress and benefits ASEAN’s change of course and following interactions have brought, in reality rhetoric is decoupled from ASEAN’s political practices. While attempting to regain ground, the association’s intergovernmental nature and on-going tensions between more and less democratic member states prevented it from actually embracing this course. Despite its expressed goals, ASEAN has so far failed to establish clear formal interfaces for the interaction with civil society. The conflict between the principle of sovereignty and the clear advantages of adhering to global trends and domestic pressures towards integration and democratisation that ASEAN faces is important to understand this discrepancy between expressed aspirations and political reality. Within ASEAN, ever increasing regional economic integration in the region stood in contrast with nationalistic sentiments and socio-economic developmental pressures. Indeed, existent consultations with civil society seem largely to be aimed at giving greater legitimacy to the charter- that ultimately only consolidated ASEAN’s state-centred nature. Facing competing institutional logics of the more democratic and traditionally more illiberal or even authoritarian member states, a situation of institutional complexity, decoupling rhetoric from practice enabled maintenance of the stability of the ASEAN community while retaining organisational efficiency. The association remains largely inaccessible to those rendered unsuitable to its reform agenda, making it not “people-oriented”.Show less
The position of the LGBT community in India is undergoing a stressful period. This thesis attempts to analyse and research whether this has always been the case. Historical and spiritual views are...Show moreThe position of the LGBT community in India is undergoing a stressful period. This thesis attempts to analyse and research whether this has always been the case. Historical and spiritual views are used to create a platform on how the homosexuality was perceived in India. Connecting this delicate matter to the erotic art and architecture of the Khajuraho monuments in Madhya Pradesh and adding philosophical, ancient and religious statements about homosexuality, creates a fresh view on the development of perceiving homosexuality in India.Show less
