This research analyzes the Egyptian official war memory and discourse pertaining to the October War of 1973. Specifically, the the construction, preservation, dissemination, of the official...Show moreThis research analyzes the Egyptian official war memory and discourse pertaining to the October War of 1973. Specifically, the the construction, preservation, dissemination, of the official narrative is examined against the background of socio-political dynamics. The function and characteristics of the official narrative are considered. The official state narrative and constructed memory of an absolute Egyptian victory serve as a tool of legitimization for the Sadat and Mubarak regimes. Conversely, the counter-narrative of Shazly, which does not claim absolute victory and highlights crucial failures, exemplifies hermeneutical dissidence. This research examines the initial suppression of Shazly's counter-narrative and its eventual salience. It argues that changes in the socio-political landscape, specifically during the last years of the Mubarak regime and during the 2011 uprisings, facilitated the outbreak and public embrace of Shazly's counter-narrative of the war. This outbreak inflicted a hermeneutical fissure in the official war narrative and memory.Show less
Woman, Life, Freedom] was one of the most used hashtags in 2022, and[ زن، زندگی، آزادی tweets regarding Mahsa Aminis’ death amounted by the end of 2022 to more than 300 million tweets (Walters 2022...Show moreWoman, Life, Freedom] was one of the most used hashtags in 2022, and[ زن، زندگی، آزادی tweets regarding Mahsa Aminis’ death amounted by the end of 2022 to more than 300 million tweets (Walters 2022). To contextualise, Black Lives Matter generated around 63 million tweets over a six-year span, and tweets regarding the Ukraine war occurred around 250 million times in English. So, the hashtags concerning the most recent political upheavals in Iran have outstripped English-speaking tweets regarding the war in Ukraine in only a month (Walters .)2022 Mentioned protests have according to various sources resulted in more than 500 deaths and an estimated 15.000 – 20.000 protestors have been arrested by January 2023 (Paivandi 2022; von Hein 2023). Such arrests also specifically target journalists, with known 70 journalists having been arrested since the start of the protests in September 2022, of which 28 are still being held in detention and possibly facing sentencing (Iran International staff 2023). Despite the direct targeting of protestors and reporters, there remains a great social media presence, along with considerable attention in more traditional media outlets. Specifically in Germany, in which a large part of the European diaspora resides. Thus, the recent uprisings in Iran have led to an increase in interest in German media in Iran, specifically regarding the role of women in this current protest movement. Intimately connected to such interest is the debate about the freedom of Iranian women and their right to veil or unveil. The following research paper will therefore investigate the reporting of German media outlets on the recent political upheavals in Iran and focus on what narratives exist about Iranian women within that coverage. In addition to that, the existing narrative construction about Iranian women will be related to the German self-referential aspect in media coverage, as both matters are intrinsically linked. Accordingly, the following paper will attempt to highlight the narratives concerning the reporting on Iranian women and how such narratives are related to a specific German self-image.Show less
The Iranian Revolution of 1979 had a profound effect on the Middle East and the rest of the world. The major world powers at the time, the US and the Soviet Union, followed the revolution closely....Show moreThe Iranian Revolution of 1979 had a profound effect on the Middle East and the rest of the world. The major world powers at the time, the US and the Soviet Union, followed the revolution closely. Past research has examined both powers' responses to the revolution and the outcomes of these responses. However, this research was very much a product of its time, and was therefore coloured by Cold War interests and ideologies. This thesis uses discourse analysis of the Soviet Union's two largest newspapers, Pravda and Izvestia, to map the USSR's response to this new development in the Middle East, and contextualises this response within the framework of Soviet state ideology.Show less
In the last century the Netherlands went through several large changes. After the Second World War, the Netherlands, as many other West-European countries, modernized which included the creation of...Show moreIn the last century the Netherlands went through several large changes. After the Second World War, the Netherlands, as many other West-European countries, modernized which included the creation of large industry, the process of destratification, secularization, emancipation of women, democratization of politics and the emancipation of minority groups like homosexuals. Supposedly, Iran went through an opposite and backward development. From the glory years of the Shah, when modernization of Iran was top priority, the country rapidly declined, in the eyes of the Dutch, into the realm of a backward religious society which the Netherlands tried to espouse for a long time. The knowledge Dutch people have about Iran is not based on individuals visiting Iran but on how the media portrays Iran and reports on Middle Eastern affairs. However, is this dichotomy between Iran, as an Eastern country, and the Netherlands, as a Western country, so clear? When looking into contemporary documentaries Iran is still portrayed as different country than the Netherlands. Portraying is focused on the religious repression, backward economy, bearded men and veiled women. When comparing the footage of contemporary documentaries with documentaries from the start of this genre in 1960, the same type of footage is shown. Has Iran not changed since then? This type of footage seems to fall under the greater themes of Orientalism and the Western narrative of modernity and have been present in the Western conception of the Middle East for very long. This research focusses on the discourses of Orientalism and the Western narrative of modernity in Iranian representation in Dutch documentaries from 1960 until 2018 and the continuity and discontinuity in this representation. This research contributes to the understanding of the development of Orientalism and the Western narrative of modernity in the 20th and 21st century.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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The thesis is based within the theories of constructivism and looks for the connection between the identity construction and the foreign policy decision-making process. The research question posed...Show moreThe thesis is based within the theories of constructivism and looks for the connection between the identity construction and the foreign policy decision-making process. The research question posed is: why is Hezbollah stepping in the Syrian civil war? What is the relation between this decision and the group’s identity that has been continuously constructed and re-constructed in the past 30 years? Moreover, is the relationship between the decision to go to war and Hezbollah identity construction linear? Can the conflict in Syria affect, or even re-shape the construction of Hezbollah’s identity? How does this comply (or disconnect) with Hezbollah’s own ideas about self and role in the serves in the region? The paper analyses the relation between the identity construction and the decision to go to the Syrian war, and based on this example draws a conclusion that the relationship between the two is rather reciprocal than linear.Show less
One of the most important actors in Middle Eastern politics today is the Islamic Republic of Iran. This country has been the subject of much controversy over the past years, partly due to the fact...Show moreOne of the most important actors in Middle Eastern politics today is the Islamic Republic of Iran. This country has been the subject of much controversy over the past years, partly due to the fact that it is the only state in the world that officially bases its domestic policy and legal system on Shi’a Islam. However, the extent to which Shi’ism influences Iran’s foreign policy has been disputed. It has been argued by some that Iran’s behaviour on the international arena has more to do with political and economic interests than with defending their religion; others have claimed that, on the contrary, some of the country’s actions cannot be explained without taking into account the influence of the Shi’a identity. One situation that has been explained from both perspectives is Iran’s decision to support Armenia, rather than their Shi’ite neighbour Azerbaijan, in the Nagorno-Karabakh war of 1988-1994. This conflict presents an interesting case study in the question of the influence of Shi’ism on Iran’s foreign policy. Some have claimed that Iran’s support of Armenia aligned perfectly with the Shi’a ideology of supporting and uplifting the oppressed, viewing Azerbaijan as the aggressor in the situation, rather than a fellow Shi’ite ally. At the same time, it is undeniable that Iran’s partnership with Armenia has provided and continues to provide economic benefits to both states. As such, the question arises: to what extent did the Iranian regime’s Shia identity influence the country’s decision to support Armenia, rather than Azerbaijan, in the Nagorno-Karabakh war?Show less
This master thesis examines how the decision to intervene in Syria became thinkable, even logical, in the context of François Hollande’s discourse. It aims to answer the question how François...Show moreThis master thesis examines how the decision to intervene in Syria became thinkable, even logical, in the context of François Hollande’s discourse. It aims to answer the question how François Hollande legitimises the military intervention in Syria in the context of foreign policy discourse, and how this discourse in return is constructed and reinforced by France’s foreign policy ideology. Building on poststructuralist ontology, it inquires into the theoretical concept of foreign policy identity and the underlying mechanisms that allow and legitimise actions. It offers a thorough analysis of French foreign policy ideology as represented by the most influential political figure of France. In addition, it investigates how certain behaviour, e.g. the intervention in Syria, is made possible in the context of discourse. This thesis thus aims to illustrate how the discourse on a specific event – military action in Syria – relates to the foreign policy identity of France. It shows the mutual constitution of behaviour and ideology; French foreign policy behaviour is rooted in the context of ideology, but ideology in its turn also reinforces foreign policy.Show less
An analysation of the differences between the Hafez al-Assad regime and that of his son Bashar al-Assad in Syria. Why did the Uprisings lead to Civil War under Bashar but not under Hafez?
Although it appears that mainstream history has second ranked Central Eurasia, throughout most of history, the region has been at the forefront of world politics. Successively called Sogdiana by...Show moreAlthough it appears that mainstream history has second ranked Central Eurasia, throughout most of history, the region has been at the forefront of world politics. Successively called Sogdiana by the Arabs, Transoxiana by westerners or Turkestan, literally ‘land of the Turks’ by the Persians; the region has come to our minds as Central Asia. Until the Age of Discoveries, Central Asia constituted the nervous system of the Eurasian international system (Frankopan 2015). Historically, whoever dominated trade along Central Asia dominated the Eurasian landmass. Trade took place primarily between China and Europe while Central Asia acted as the middle man. As such, the native nomadic tribes pacified the region in order to foster trade. Intensive exchanges in goods, peoples and ideas were the hallmark of the Eurasian economy in which continental trade dominated. Land and see routes where integrated into a single international system in which Central Asia was located at the center while the rest of the world constituted the periphery (Beckwith 2009). In 1877, the distinguished German geologist Ferdinand von Richthofen coined the Eurasian economic system as the ‘Seidenstraße’: the Silk Route. Nevertheless, Central Asia’s golden era did not last. With the maritime expeditions of Columbus and Vasco de Gama the ‘Eurasian continental system’ began to unravel. The revolutionary discoveries of alternative sea routes led to the establishment of new trade lanes (Frankopan 2015). As Beckwith explains in his book Empires of the Silk Road, the final blow to the continental system was struck by the partitioning of Central Eurasia by the Russian and Chinese empires. Newly erected borders led to soaring tariffs and increasing insecurity causing trade to spiral downward. Economic disintegration brought about intellectual decay which further isolated the region (Starr et al 2015). As a result, trade along sea lanes became much more competitive. The fundamental shift in trade patterns ushered the ‘Littoral system’ characterized by mass maritime trade (Beckwith 2009). Consequently, the center of gravity shifted from Central Asia to the coastal peripheries who dominated the sea lanes. Mastering state of the art naval technology, European countries such as Britain became the primary beneficiaries of the new ‘Littoral system’. The maritime system endured with the creation of the canal of Suez and the establishment of the Soviet Union which redirected the ancient networks of the Silk Road to Moscow. For the next three centuries, the world witnessed the European Era followed by the American Era. However, the ‘Littoral system’ is not invulnerable. In his renowned article ‘The Geographical Pivot of History’, MacKinder outlines the threats facing the Littoral system; noteworthy, a reunified Eurasia. It seems that the tide is turning once more. In 1991, the Soviet Union disintegrated in what President Putin called “the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century". The momentous event enabled Central Asian people to regain their independence. Almost immediately, the European Union and Eastern European countries launched a bold trade and transportation project named the Transport Corridor Europe-Caucasus-Asia (TRACECA) with the aim of restoring the “Historical Silk Road” (Starr et al 2015). Inaugurated in great pomp, the weakly executed project met with little success (Matveeva 2006). Then, in the wake of the September 11 attacks, the United States intervened in Afghanistan in order to gain a foothold in the Central Asian area (Genté Régis 2014). In 2010, recognizing Afghanistan’s historical importance, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton instigated the News Silk Road initiative aimed at establishing Afghanistan as a key trade hub (Hormats 2011). Nonetheless, the project failed to receive the vital endorsement of the U.S. President and soon thereafter fell apart (Starr et al, 2015). Three years later, China’s supreme leader, President Xi Jinping, made an ambitious proposal for the revival of the Silk Road. Could Xi’s momentous plans succeed in revitalizing the Eurasian system?Show less
“In a region beset with chronic and widespread problems, ranging from poor governance, war, violent extremism, and resource scarcity, one threat stands above the rest in terms of potential for...Show more“In a region beset with chronic and widespread problems, ranging from poor governance, war, violent extremism, and resource scarcity, one threat stands above the rest in terms of potential for destruction and cost in opportunity: the use of sectarianism as a geopolitical weapon. Sectarianism encourages extremist rhetoric and violence and serves to distract a populations from economic and social concerns by providing a convenient enemy on which to focus.” This quote by the Soufan group, a strategic security consulting group, displays an opinion that is shared by mainstream media across the globe. The Middle East has apparently fallen into a state of religious extremism where violent sectarianism is every day’s business. Current day Syria seems to be the focal point of all this sectarian violence. This paper tries to analyse what exactly that sectarian violence entails in the SYrian Civil War, and whether we should indeed look at it as a sectarian conflict, or rather a conflict with sectarian aspects.Show less
This thesis navigates the process of change and transformation of the relations between workers and state-power in the Islamic Republic throughout the 1980s, by analysing May Day posters and...Show moreThis thesis navigates the process of change and transformation of the relations between workers and state-power in the Islamic Republic throughout the 1980s, by analysing May Day posters and speeches related to the Labor Law. It observes ruptures and continuities through the lens of discourse and seeks to decipher how power circulated within and outside the Iranian factory, in terms of production of knowledge, meanings and signs. Power exercised by whom? This is a key question, because in post-1979 Iran there was not an all-powerful subject. Hence, this thesis explores how Khomeinists came to be accepted in the field of labor relations, beyond disciplinary measures or repression.Show less
Deze scriptie gaat in op de externe factoren die in de 20ste eeuw de basis hebben gevormd voor de politieke situatie in het Midden-Oosten. Er zal een aantal belangrijke ontwikkelingen, die direct...Show moreDeze scriptie gaat in op de externe factoren die in de 20ste eeuw de basis hebben gevormd voor de politieke situatie in het Midden-Oosten. Er zal een aantal belangrijke ontwikkelingen, die direct of indirect verband houden met het Westen, de revue passeren en de soms fatale politieke en sociale voetafdrukken die het Westen in diverse Midden-Oosterse landen heeft achtergelaten worden beschreven. Daarmee hanteert deze scriptie een andere aanpak dan historici zoals Bernard Lewis, die de verklaringen van de zogenaamde neergang van de islamitische wereld veelal binnen de interne factoren zoeken, terwijl ze de externe factoren en de invloeden daarvan op de interne ontwikkelingen vrijwel buiten beschouwing laten of als niet-relevant bestempelen.Show less
During the presidential campaign of 2009, televised debates between candidates were introduced in Iran. Most analysts understand the airing of these debates in the context of a short-term freedom...Show moreDuring the presidential campaign of 2009, televised debates between candidates were introduced in Iran. Most analysts understand the airing of these debates in the context of a short-term freedom of speech in Iran which only occurs during the elections. Such a view however does not do justice to the possible long-term effects of these debates on Iranian democracy. This paper will analyze the long-term effects that these television debates may have on the process of democracy in Iran as a whole. There is reason to think that a long-term effect of televised debates is likely. Exposure of Iranians to a level of freedom of speech during campaigns adds to the democratic legitimacy of the elections, and through that to the legitimacy of the elected President. This paper will analyze the live television debates between the eight presidential candidates of 2013 as data to examine ‘to what extent the presidential debates of 2013 have contributed to more democratic elections.’ This paper has chosen to focus on the conventional media, because these are more widespread than Internet in Iran.Show less
