The 2001 war in the Islamic State of Afghanistan has devastated the lives and livelihoods of millions of Afghans, and drew in the international community in the pursuit of establishing a peaceful...Show moreThe 2001 war in the Islamic State of Afghanistan has devastated the lives and livelihoods of millions of Afghans, and drew in the international community in the pursuit of establishing a peaceful Afghanistan. On the 29th of February 2020, the US and the Taliban signed an agreement to bring peace to Afghanistan, the Doha Agreement. While the peace developments remain in uncharted territory, China has been taken on a more prominent role in supporting the peace processes in Afghanistan by facilitating peace talks, fostering regional cooperation through the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan (RECCA). Then, how is China’s broader engagement in Afghanistan contributing to the peacebuilding processes in Afghanistan? By using a combined approach to peacebuilding, this research reviews China's contribution in the dimensions of jump-starting the national economy, re-establishing the framework of governance, repairing key transportation, communication and utility networks, rebuilding key social infrastructure, assisting local population, demine where applicable and normalise financial borrowing and the Chinese behaviour toward the non-state armed actor, the Taliban. This research concludes that China's involvement does not conclusively contribute to, nor hinder, the peacebuilding efforts. Rather, China’s contributions to the Afghan peace occur largely in the economic sphere, through investment in Afghan infrastructure and the normalisation of financial borrowing, and by posing as a mediator between parties involved in the Afghan conflict, notably the Taliban.Show less
This thesis uses Hermann’s (1990) model of foreign policy change to analyse the research question: Why was the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act only adopted into public law in November 2019...Show moreThis thesis uses Hermann’s (1990) model of foreign policy change to analyse the research question: Why was the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act only adopted into public law in November 2019, despite its introduction into US legislation years earlier in 2014? Through tracking the progress of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act (HKHRDA) from its introduction in 2014 to its final signing into law in 2019, it has shown that bureaucratic advocacy and external shocks were the primary change agents driving the foreign policy change. Previous versions of the bill failed to pass the final stages of the decision-making process. However, in 2019, changes in the international context were crucial to the passing of the bill. That year, the external shock of the Hong Kong protests escalated to such an extent that Congressional legislators felt compelled to unite and take action. Rising geopolitical tensions between China and the United States also affected domestic American politics, contributing to the growing bipartisan Congressional support for a stronger stance against China on the issue of Hong Kong and pass the HKHRDA into law, despite resistance from the Trump administration. The symbolic value of the law was greater than its actual changes to US legislation, as it did not grant the government new instruments of statecraft it did not already possess. Still, the law was a clear show of Congressional support for the pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong, and a political statement against the central Chinese and Hong Kong government’s policies in the city. This was instrumental in pushing the administration to change its approach towards HK, and with the HKHRDA, US HK policy became submerged in its American foreign policy towards China.Show less
The increasing concerns about Confucius Institutes in Northwest-Europe continue to attract attention on a political level and in news media. This research hopes to provide a relevant contribution...Show moreThe increasing concerns about Confucius Institutes in Northwest-Europe continue to attract attention on a political level and in news media. This research hopes to provide a relevant contribution to the current understanding of the developments surrounding Confucius Institutes in Northwest-Europe. Moreover, it hopes to highlight the numerous disparities between different countries in terms of the development, functioning and recipience of Confucius Institutes. Additionally, this research aims to analyse the functioning of these institutes in China’s public diplomacy. It does so by using a case study analysis which researches the sending and the recipient side of public diplomacy activities of Confucius Institutes in Northwest-Europe.Show less
This thesis uses the theory that state behaviour and identity are interrelated to consider China’s dual identity of developing country and great power. The global climate regime is used as a case...Show moreThis thesis uses the theory that state behaviour and identity are interrelated to consider China’s dual identity of developing country and great power. The global climate regime is used as a case study that is internationally relevant and exemplifies this dual identity, and China’s behaviour in the regime is studied through analysing official statements and news sources. This thesis concludes that China continues to identify itself as a developing country, cooperates with developing countries and advocates for their interests, but it is outgrowing these interests itself. China increasingly focuses on its capabilities instead of a lack thereof and takes on a active and assertive role in negotiations, resembling great power behaviour more than a traditional developing country role. Identity is shaped in relationships, and the other states must accept the identity that China acts out. This may become a problem for China in the near future in the climate regime.Show less
Hong Kong have seen several large protests since the handover in 1997. These protests seems to have been emerged out of a growing discontent with the meddling of China in to its affairs. Hong Kong...Show moreHong Kong have seen several large protests since the handover in 1997. These protests seems to have been emerged out of a growing discontent with the meddling of China in to its affairs. Hong Kong is a "Special Administrative Region" of China, it operates under the "One Country Two System" principle, which means it has its own government and can govern itself. Currently Hong Kong has once again been affected by ongoing anti-government demonstrations for over half a year. It seems that the protest also indicates a growing concern for the stipulated principle of “One Country Two Systems”. This paper will try to answer the question: Why do a large group of people in Hong Kong perceive the principle of “One Country Two Systems” as problematic? It will do so by conducting a discourse and thematic analysis on the slogans used in this protest. It is suggested that the slogans show a unique Hong Kong identity that can in part cause implications for the current principle of “One Country Two Systems”Show less
In recent years, China’s rise has had profound effects on a global scale as well as on individual states. There is an academic debate whether this rise is peaceful and possibly mutual beneficial or...Show moreIn recent years, China’s rise has had profound effects on a global scale as well as on individual states. There is an academic debate whether this rise is peaceful and possibly mutual beneficial or that it is a threat, economically speaking as well as political. This thesis aims to determine to what extent Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) affects the economic sovereignty of Laos. In this context, economic sovereignty is defined as the power and capability of a national government to decisions make independent of the interests of other governments. Using quantitative and qualitative research and various case studies, research has been conducted to examine the effects of Chinese FDI on the economic sovereignty of Laos in the last five years including current times. The results indicate a strong correlation between Chinese economic activity in Laos and the deepening of economic dependency on China as well as a decay of economic sovereignty for Laos due to significant debt accumulation.Show less
This thesis focuses on the geopolitical implications of China´s rise to space. Based on China´s space policy, the thesis analyses the benefits that Chinese space projects bring to Beijing. The...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the geopolitical implications of China´s rise to space. Based on China´s space policy, the thesis analyses the benefits that Chinese space projects bring to Beijing. The concept of comprehensive power is defined and is taken as the central concept of this thesis. Two fields of China´s comprehensive power are used to research the impact that Chinese space policy has for the nation. Military & Technology implications, and Natural Resource implications. The thesis concludes that China´s goals in the military aspect are to have military control over the satellites in order to control cyberspace. Once achieved, China aims to spread its soft power to countries using technology connected to Chinese cyberspace. In the resource-seeking aspect, China aims to extract Helium 3, a natural resource, in order to create a non-radioactive energy supply. Therefore, these space projects can strengthen China´s position in the global order.Show less
This thesis examines how the South Korean government has been involved with the spread of the Korean Wave and explores how these involvements have influenced South Korea’s public diplomacy. By...Show moreThis thesis examines how the South Korean government has been involved with the spread of the Korean Wave and explores how these involvements have influenced South Korea’s public diplomacy. By examining both academic literature and the official Diplomatic White Papers released by the Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs ever since 2006, this thesis will examine the policies that different Korean governments have created in support of the Korean Wave. By splitting the Korean Wave into three eras, the thesis will provide a comprehensible overview of the courses that different governments have taken. Additionally, this thesis will show how actively the Korean government has utilized the Korean Wave in its public diplomacy and nation branding.Show less
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) stands at the forefront of Southeast Asian regional cooperation. Within its fifty years of existence, ASEAN has faced many challenges, among them...Show moreThe Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) stands at the forefront of Southeast Asian regional cooperation. Within its fifty years of existence, ASEAN has faced many challenges, among them the territorial disputes in the South China Sea involving overlapping claims of its member countries with China. Despite ASEAN’s efforts to create peace and stability in the region, effective multilateral measures remain scarce. Although often praised as a strong point of ASEAN, this thesis highlights that ASEAN’s diversity remains one of its main weaknesses in finding common ground for multilateral approaches in regional security.Show less
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the African continent has been affected by an expansion of the Chinese economic presence across several dimensions. This process of economic...Show moreSince the beginning of the twenty-first century, the African continent has been affected by an expansion of the Chinese economic presence across several dimensions. This process of economic integration elevated the relevance of the Sino-African commercial relationship, raising questions over the PRC’s interests and the resulting consequences for the African continent. By using the notion of economic diplomacy, this paper investigates the evolution of Chinese economic policies in the African continent between 2006 and 2015, particularly by looking at the case study of Zambia. The findings of the research show that Chinese economic policies were established through bilateral agreements with single African countries to foster economic integration by commercial and financial means. During the empirical analysis, implications deriving from the evolution of Chinese economic policies raised questions for possible future research.Show less
The aim of this thesis is two-fold. First, to scrutinize the explanatory capacity of Qin Yaqing’s Relationality Theory. Second, to elucidate the Sino-Filipino case, where the lack of hositlites...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is two-fold. First, to scrutinize the explanatory capacity of Qin Yaqing’s Relationality Theory. Second, to elucidate the Sino-Filipino case, where the lack of hositlites following the Arbitral Tribunal’s favorable ruling to the Philippines presents a puzzle to mainstream International Relations Theory. This thesis finds that the concepts in Qin’s theory offer three novel explanations. First, increased intimacy between both countries sheds light on why no higher-level conflict erupted. Second, the distinction between rule-driven and rule-independent measures partly accounts for the intermittently resurgent tension spikes, as the latter often undermined the former’s conducive efforts to cooperation. Finally, relational rationality sheds light on how competing interests for each actor render both sides’ actions rational. Despite these insights, two limitations stand out. First, the main difficulty found concerns the methodological application of various concepts. Second, the lack of clarity on how different variables interact with one another constituted a hurdle to the theory’s explanatory capacity.Show less
This paper analyses the development and success of China’s use of economic diplomacy in cross-strait relations. It analyses two coercive approaches, and two non-coercive approaches to economic...Show moreThis paper analyses the development and success of China’s use of economic diplomacy in cross-strait relations. It analyses two coercive approaches, and two non-coercive approaches to economic diplomacy. The success of each respective example of economic diplomacy is analysed based on the degree to which the Chinese government succeeded in changing the political affiliation of Taiwanese target groups. The successfulness of each case of economic diplomacy is then further explained through the degree of control the Chinese had over the key-factors involved in these cases. I conclude that overall, non-coercive strategies of economic diplomacy are China’s best option for increasing its influence over Taiwan. While coercive strategies can also benefit Beijing, they are unable to significantly alter the political affiliation of the Taiwanese electorate in Beijing’s favour, as strong coercion tends to generate major public opposition.Show less
In recent years China’s influence in the global order has increased remarkably, thereby stirring up opinions whether China will once again become the world’s leading power by taking over the US’s...Show moreIn recent years China’s influence in the global order has increased remarkably, thereby stirring up opinions whether China will once again become the world’s leading power by taking over the US’s position. Accompanied with their rapid economic growth, Chinese outbound tourism increased substantially. Due to this growing middle class, accompanied with higher disposable income, China has become the largest tourism marked in the world in terms of travels. Due to growing international tourism of Chinese citizens to overseas holiday destinations the phenomenon of cultural interaction between China and other countries is reinforced. As tourism via the Taiwan Strait is said to be dependent on the changing political relations of the two governments, this thesis will conduct research on the influence of tourism in relation to political affairs between China and Taiwan. Consequently, this research will look into the utilization of tourism as a political tool as part of public diplomacy, specifically analyzing the way in which China uses tourism as a public diplomacy tool and how they apply this as a political tool on Taiwan, demonstrating the framework of tourism to wield both soft and hard power. This research will focus the Approved Destination Status policy by the Chinese regarding the regulation of group tours visits to other entities, which has been operating between China and Taiwan since 2008.Show less
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) need to acquire donor funding to carry out projects. In the past, NGOs used to be progressive agents for social change. Nowadays, they are described as part of...Show moreNongovernmental organizations (NGOs) need to acquire donor funding to carry out projects. In the past, NGOs used to be progressive agents for social change. Nowadays, they are described as part of the development machine. The dependency of NGOs on donors and the competition between NGOs are both increasing. Donors also expect more reports from NGOs on projects. Altogether, the challenge for NGOs to get funding is increasing. At least, that is what the existing academic literature states. This research will examine these challenges for NGOs in the relation with donors for funding. It will answer the following research question: ‘What do Dutch NGOs see as the biggest challenge in the funding system with donors?’ The research will focus on the level of accountability, competition between NGOs for donor funding and dependency on donor funding. To answer the research question, a qualitative case study approach on Dutch NGOs was chosen. Semi-structured interviews with employees from Dutch NGOs were scheduled to gather data. This data explains how the three factors are perceived by the employees from Dutch NGOs and if this accords to the existing literature. The findings showed that the respondents from the NGOs did not unanimously express one of these three factors as burdensome. However, the respondents from the NGOs did express that the bureaucratic element in accountability is considered as the most challenging. Especially smaller NGOs (NGOs with less than 100 employees) experience the demanding reports as problematic. It increases the workload, which limits implementation time of the projects.Show less
The Belt and Road represents an ambitious vision that has sparked much debate within academic scholarship over the last years. To its most simple definition, the Belt and Road initiative intends to...Show moreThe Belt and Road represents an ambitious vision that has sparked much debate within academic scholarship over the last years. To its most simple definition, the Belt and Road initiative intends to encourage global trade and interconnectedness between Eurasia and China through various infrastructure projects. From building ports in Bangladesh and Pakistan, to constructing High-Speed railway lines in Thailand or Vietnam, the Chinese government has also been increasingly involved on European continent. As one of China’s biggest trading partners, Germany has become an important part of the new Silk Road. In the center of that development lays Duisburg. A rail connection between Chongqing and Duisburg has put the city on the radar of Chinese investors. Moreover, Duisburg is regarded as the official start/end of the land based silk road rail corridor. However, German responses to the Belt and Road have been multifaceted to say the least. Policy makers at the subnational and national level have different ideas and priorities on how to tackle the BRI. Therefore, this thesis will apply Putnam's game theory framework in order to explain the German two level policymaking situation through a case study. This thesis will determine who the relevant subnational actors are and analyze their policy preferences. Consequently, the interrelationship between subnational actors and national actors at the federal level will be explored. As a result this thesis argues that the discrepancy between the two levels led Germany to balance a thin line between principled openness and targeted protection.Show less
Bilateral relations between the United States and China have increasingly soured since President Donald Trump assumed office in 2017. A key reason is that China’s growing power has made it a threat...Show moreBilateral relations between the United States and China have increasingly soured since President Donald Trump assumed office in 2017. A key reason is that China’s growing power has made it a threat to U.S. hegemony and the U.S. is more proactively seeking to contain China than ever before. While China’s threat can be examined from various theoretical angles, such as realism, few studies have looked at it from the perspective of the U.S. media. This is an important avenue for research as perceptions influence international relations and the media plays an important role in shaping such perceptions. Conversely, the media reflects tendencies in politics and society. Using content analysis, the portrayal of the China threat in the news coverage of the Wall Street Journal is examined between 2016 and 2018. The debate on the China threat has mostly consisted of three categories, namely military, economic, and political. The thesis adds a new category to be used in content analysis, namely world order.Show less
Abstract: The concept of economic diplomacy and its possible benefits for smaller economies has received relatively little scholarly attention. This thesis researches the Swedish-Sino economic...Show moreAbstract: The concept of economic diplomacy and its possible benefits for smaller economies has received relatively little scholarly attention. This thesis researches the Swedish-Sino economic diplomacy from 2010-2018 and concludes that the exchanges have been beneficial for both Sweden and China according to the variables of trade and investments. However, Sweden has seen less value of Chinese investments after the acquisition of Volvo Cars in 2010 and this trend is likely to continue in the near future.Show less
This research paper poses the question of why Beijing is currently investing in the Regional Economic Comprehensive Partnership. Ever since China announced its participation in the agreement in...Show moreThis research paper poses the question of why Beijing is currently investing in the Regional Economic Comprehensive Partnership. Ever since China announced its participation in the agreement in 2012, scholarly debate attempted to make sense of this course of action. With many initially arguing that Beijing was planning a strategic move to counter the US rebalance to Asia through Washington’s TPP participation, lesser attention has been paid to other plausible reasons. Now, after the US withdrawal from the TPP in 2017, it appears useful to stretch out the debate and analyse other indicators that might encourage China to continue its participation efforts in the RCEP. Therefore this thesis identifies four indicators as key motivational drivers for the Chinese cooperation effort and conducts qualitative as quantitative analysis of those.Show less
