Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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Contrary to the stereotype that Zhang Shi 張栻 (1133-1181) always followed Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (1130-1200) ideas, this thesis, by examining Zhang’s social origins, socio-political thoughts, and disciples,...Show moreContrary to the stereotype that Zhang Shi 張栻 (1133-1181) always followed Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (1130-1200) ideas, this thesis, by examining Zhang’s social origins, socio-political thoughts, and disciples, argues that Zhang represents a transitional Neo-Confucianism, which is based on exiled bureaucrat and emphasizes military-fiscal skills and state activism. Zhang Shi learning provides an alternative to statism Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021-1086) learning in the Northern Song (960-1127) and typical Neo-Confucianism represented by Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuxuan 陸九淵 (1139-1191) in Southern Song (1127-1279) , which is based on local spontaneous elites and emphasizes the role of society and local volunteerism. The social origin and foundation of this transitional Neo-Confucianism was the former (potential) capital bureaucratic family who were exiled due to the fall of the Northern Song. They took the northern expedition to return to the capital as their goal and gave up the run of their hometowns and the local communities in which they lived. They were skeptical of Zhu Xi’s social program, such as the community compacts (xiangyang 鄉約), the community granaries (shecang 社倉) and private commercial publishing, which later became the typical behavior of Neo-Confucian. Based on the ideas of Mencius (Mengzi 孟子), Zhang Shi developed the theory of “spontaneous disinterestedness” (wu suowei er ran 無所為而然), which underpinned his ideas on the distinction between righteousness/public/king and profit/selfish/hegemon. Though Zhang learning relied on the state, it cut sharply with Wang learning in the aspect of “motivation”. For Zhang, the power of the state was not an end in itself, but rather the state should be consistent with the spontaneous disinterestedness from the heavenly principle. With a particular emphasis on military-fiscal skills, Zhang and his disciples sought to take over the state apparatus left behind by Wang Anshi’s reforms and to make this state act out of righteousness in the hands of Neo-Confucianism gentlemen. Zhang and his disciples proposed and participated in all the northern expeditions during the Southern Song period. However, the northern capital could never be returned, and the number of exiled bureaucrats who were the social base of Zhang learning (and of the Huxiang 湖湘 school in general) dwindled over time. Zhu Xi, who came from a family of low-ranking exiled bureaucrats, found a new world in the local community in the south, and endeavored to transform himself into a member of the local elite, stepping out from behind Zhang Shi. After Zhang’s death, the local students he left behind in Hunan 湖南 and Sichuan 四川 were eventually aborted by the emerging typical Neo-Confucianism (Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan school) that spoke for the local elites. Zhang as a kind of transitional Neo-Confucianism eventually faded from history, completing the transition from the Northern Song learning to the later typical Neo-Confucianism. By reframing this transitional and alternative Neo-Confucianism, this thesis refines the Hymes-Bol’s localism paradigm about the explanation of why and how Neo-Confucianism raised.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis is a study on how leisure industries operated under semicolonial circumstances in Republican China (specifically between 1919 and 1941). Taking place in Yantai, a medium-sized treaty...Show moreThis thesis is a study on how leisure industries operated under semicolonial circumstances in Republican China (specifically between 1919 and 1941). Taking place in Yantai, a medium-sized treaty port in China’s Shandong province, this study analyzes how leisure, in the form of sex work, was both “sought” and “provided” by different actors. This study specifically zooms in on two of these actors. Firstly, sailors of the United States Asiatic Fleet are analyzed, as this research explores how their intertwining pursuits of drinking alcohol and visiting sex workers impacted Yantai and its inhabitants. Secondly, this study delves into the lives of Yantai’s sex workers, and how their role within Yantai’s sex work industry operated during an era of semicolonial presence. This study reveals that Yantai provided sailors the opportunity to indulge themselves in vices without being judged by their surroundings in a way that they would back home. Furthermore, although their behavior was certainly not appreciated by both locals and nonlocals in Yantai, their pursuits were also tolerated by some, as they contributed to both the economic and military interests of those that interacted with them. Sex workers, on the other hand, were a demographic that underwent significant changes throughout Yantai’s Republican period, which can largely be attributed to the increasing demands for sex work by foreign sailors. Yantai’s sex work industry became notably more internationally-oriented, as shown by both international sex workers flocking to the city and the general services offered by sex workers gradually revolving more around sexual intercourse. Overall, this study reveals how demands for new forms of sex work reshaped the hierarchies of Yantai’s overall sex work industry. As a result, the industry became more asymmetrically skewed towards a foreign clientele under semicoloniality. Furthermore, Yantai’s smaller size and the relatively large number of visiting sailors made these developments more contrasting than in other cities, resulting in heavier contention, discourse and conflicts arising from these developments.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis analyses the development of Ryukyuan narratives of political legitimacy under the influence of the imperial Chinese tributary system. For centuries, the Ryukyu Kingdom, which was...Show moreThis thesis analyses the development of Ryukyuan narratives of political legitimacy under the influence of the imperial Chinese tributary system. For centuries, the Ryukyu Kingdom, which was annexed by Meiji Period Japan in 1879 and is today divided among Japan's Okinawa and Kagoshima Prefectures, formed an important linking bridge between China and Japan, East Asia's two dominant political entities. Based on a close reading and partial translation of relevant passages from several historical documents, most notably the kingdom's two official histories Chūzan Seikan and Chūzan Seifu, the thesis investigates the socio-political shift in succeeding conceptualisations of Ryukyuan kingship, the monarch's political legitimacy, and the country's state doctrine that occurred from the late fifteenth and early sixteenth to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis assesses several 13th- and 14th-century Chinese and Tibetan histories which detail the Mongol conquests of these regions, scanning their contents and form for subjective views by their...Show moreThis thesis assesses several 13th- and 14th-century Chinese and Tibetan histories which detail the Mongol conquests of these regions, scanning their contents and form for subjective views by their respective authors. It finds that Tibetan historians, for several reasons, do not detail fighting or military expeditions in Tibet itself. Chinese authors, on the other hand, use their writing about the Mongols for several historic apologetics, as well as pejorative remarks against the Mongols themselves or other peoples, such as the Jurchen. In all, this topic remains vastly understudied and requires the attention of more scholars.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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The term Manchu has always been a complex one. The Daiqing khans already struggled to define the Manchu community. After a century of silence, the Manchus are slowly crawling from under their...Show moreThe term Manchu has always been a complex one. The Daiqing khans already struggled to define the Manchu community. After a century of silence, the Manchus are slowly crawling from under their shells to form a new Manchu community in the contemporary world. By taking into consideration theoretical frameworks of imagined communities and transculturality, this thesis aims to define the cultural aspect(s) that help the Manchus imagine their community. It looks at different potential aspects and evaluates whether those are integrated within the social spaces (public, private, educational, occupational and virtual) of the Manchus.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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With the rapid proliferation of New Confucian studies since the mid 1980s, it has become an unquestioned dogma that one particular event at the beginning of 1958 marks a watershed in the movement’s...Show moreWith the rapid proliferation of New Confucian studies since the mid 1980s, it has become an unquestioned dogma that one particular event at the beginning of 1958 marks a watershed in the movement’s development. This event is the publication of the Manifesto that Mou Zongsan 牟宗三, Tang Junyi唐君毅, Xu Fuguan 徐復觀, and Zhang Junmai 张君劢 co-signed and published almost simultaneously in the two journals Minzhu pinglun民評論 (Democratic Tribune) and Zaisheng再生(National Renaissance) with the title “为中国文化敬告世界人士宣言─我们对中国学术研究及中国文化与世界文前途之共同认识” (Wei Zhongguo wenhua jinggao shijie renshi xuanyan –women dui Zhongguo xueshu yanjiu ji Zhongguo wenhua yu shijiewen qiantu zhi gongtong renshi; translated in English as “A Manifesto on the Reappraisal of Chinese Culture – our Joint Understanding of the Sinological Study relating to World Cultural Outlook.”). Its main purpose is to benefit Western intellectuals in 'aiding them to appreciate Chinese culture'. In order to do so, the authors employ a strategic terminology, which allows them to build a consistent cross-cultural dialogue between Western and Chinese philosophy by means of an unprecedented discourse on 'Chinese Rationalism' (中国心性之学 Zhongguo xinxing zhi xue). Interestingly, the latter is described by the authors as “the essence of Chinese Culture” and, beside its comparative value, it represents the most comprehensive configuration of Confucianism in the context of 20th century. Academic interest in Chinese Studies and Chinese Philosophy should take into account the articulation of Chinese Rationalism in the Manifesto of 1958 as representing a paradigm of post-comparative dialogue that exemplifies the underlying philosophical continuity beyond consistently different traditions of thought.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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Studies have so far focused on China’s cultural tradition as the country’s soft power resource. However, to make the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative a success, Beijing is required to also have...Show moreStudies have so far focused on China’s cultural tradition as the country’s soft power resource. However, to make the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative a success, Beijing is required to also have an attractive set of political values. This thesis investigates how this need for political soft power translates to the realm of international education, in which the Party-state is pushing for closer cooperation among the countries along the Belt and Road. To this end, official Chinese documents and media reports are studied, with a focus on education initiatives in Kazakhstan. By arguing that soft power behaviour is central to soft power building, this thesis has come to several conclusions. First, Beijing is actively deploying educational cooperation within the Belt and Road Initiative as a means to strengthen its soft power. Second, alongside China’s cultural tradition, political values are relied upon to increase China’s attractiveness, indicating that Beijing attempts to specifically build up its political soft power. Remarkably, these political ideals are primarily related to China’s domestic governance and less to Beijing’s global governance principles.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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Why was the Obama administration unable to lessen strategic distrust and tensions in the Sino-American trade relationship, despite its intent to build a constructive relationship with China under...Show moreWhy was the Obama administration unable to lessen strategic distrust and tensions in the Sino-American trade relationship, despite its intent to build a constructive relationship with China under the Pivot to Asia? The mistake of the administration, according to this academic work, was not the wish to cooperate and engage with China, but the problematic execution of its proclamations as a result of domestic politics. The Obama administration sent confusing and conflicting signals towards the Chinese government: while its official discourse primarily emphasised cooperation and engagement, domestic resistance pushed the policymaking process towards implementation of foreign policy that suggested intentions of containment. The Obama administration seemed unable or unwilling to follow through on its words, leading to a discrepancy between the stated aims and the concrete results of the Pivot to Asia initiative. As a result, the United States failed to convince Chinese sceptics that it genuinely wanted to cooperate, and that it did not have nefarious hegemonic aspirations. Thus, ultimately, the failure to gather domestic support for engagement with China rendered the Obama administration unable to reduce strategic distrust in the Sino-American relationship.Show less
