De Egyptische Predynastieke periode wordt in het aardewerkrepertoire onder andere gekenmerkt door versieringen, waarvan onderzoekers altijd hebben verondersteld dat het schepen betrof. Deze...Show moreDe Egyptische Predynastieke periode wordt in het aardewerkrepertoire onder andere gekenmerkt door versieringen, waarvan onderzoekers altijd hebben verondersteld dat het schepen betrof. Deze versieringen liggen ten grondslag aan veel theorieën betreft de vroeg Dynastieke religie en ideologie, en buitenlandse contacten met onder andere Mesopotamië, ondanks dat het materiaal nooit eerder kritisch onder de loep is genomen. In deze scriptie is het Predynastiek materiaal aan de hand van een door de auteur samengestelde catalogus aan de tand gevoeld om de variabiliteit van de iconografische componenten (units) vast te stellen. Hieruit blijkt dat een aantal onderzoekers er een levendige fantasie op nahoudt, de iconografie wezenlijk evolueert en ons begrip van deze decoraties momenteel nog steeds slechts van zeer oppervlakkige aard is.Show less
The Bandkeramik culture came to the Netherlands as a complete package. This new culture settled itself at the Graetheide plateau in the south of the Netherlands on the fertile loess grounds. Geleen...Show moreThe Bandkeramik culture came to the Netherlands as a complete package. This new culture settled itself at the Graetheide plateau in the south of the Netherlands on the fertile loess grounds. Geleen-Janskamperveld is one of these Bandkeramik settlements. All aspects of the Bandkeramik culture are very similar between the different settlements so models are very suitable to analyzee the Bandkeramik culture. One of these aspects which has different models, is the settlement structure. The Hofplatz model is used for centuries as the main model for the Bandkeramik culture. Within this model clusters of houses represent successive houses and thus continuity on a single location. There is still some disagreement whether one or several houses were in use at one time within such a cluster. Rück proposed a different model in which the settlement is structured along lines. He also proposed a different reconstruction of the houses and he assumes a longer use-life for the individual houses: up till a 100 years instead of the 25 years which is used most. Within this research a use-wear study of the flint artefacts found at Geleen-Janskamperveld is executed with the hope of finding some specialization between different houses. This information could help with finding which of these models is best suitable for this excavation. Some use-wear study was already done in the past. The results of the previous study are used for this new research. The predominant contact material found at Geleen-Janskamperveld is hide, followed by cereal harvesting tools. This is in line with other Bandkeramik sites in the Netherlands which were studied in the same way. Other contact materials like wood, reed, bark, meat, bone, clay, mineral materials and the mysterious contact materials which produces ‘polish 10’ and ‘polish 23’ were also recognised. Unfortunately no real specialization was found between the different houses of Geleen-Janskamperveld. The rest of the analysis therefore is based on the literature. Rück proposed new models for different aspects of the settlement. He argues that houses were built on poles instead of on the ground. His main argument, steep slopes on which the houses were built in Bandkeramik times, is not valid for the Dutch LBK. His argument about the duration of a house generation is more plausible. The old arguments for a house generation are a bit outdated. Houses probably would have last longer. A visual analysis is executed to find possible settlement structures at Geleen-Janskamperveld. This resulted in several maps which clearly show that the model of Rück is not plausible for this excavation. No real alignments are apparent. A model in which clusters of several houses success each other is more plausible. This is supported by other features such as ditches.Show less
The purpose of this dissertation is to report on the plant macro-remains found at Happisburgh Site 1, Section 1, L7, from levels 0-10 cm, 20-30 cm, 50-60 cm and 60-70 cm, and two samples from...Show moreThe purpose of this dissertation is to report on the plant macro-remains found at Happisburgh Site 1, Section 1, L7, from levels 0-10 cm, 20-30 cm, 50-60 cm and 60-70 cm, and two samples from Section 1, L9. The plant remains that were identified and analysed from these levels will aid in the overall palaeoenvironmental reconstruction of the site, allowing for a better undertanding of the conditions that the Pleistocene hominids were facing in Britain during Happisburgh's occupation. Understanding the Pleistocene environmental conditions in NW Europe is fundamental to our interpretation of the dispersal of hominids across Eurasia, since until very recently it was presumed that colonisation of Europe before 500 Ka did not occur at latitudes beyond 45o N, as demonstrated by the lack of archaeological evidence in these regions (Parfitt et al. 2010:229).Show less
During the last 120 years or so, a lot of research has been done on Egyptian paint, pigments and binders. Several scholars have made attempts to reconstruct colour schemes on two-dimensional art...Show moreDuring the last 120 years or so, a lot of research has been done on Egyptian paint, pigments and binders. Several scholars have made attempts to reconstruct colour schemes on two-dimensional art and have succeeded relatively well. However, something similar has not been done on ancient Egyptian three-dimensional art. Therefore, in this thesis the first attempt will be made to reconstruct the colour patterns on a royal statue of Sesostris I. A corpus of other royal statues will be gathered and analysed to detect certain standard ‘rules’, or colour-canon, with can then be applied to other, blank sculptures. Furthermore a review will be made on the relation between two-and threedimensional art, their similarities and differences, as well as the social context of statues and symbolism behind the use of specific colours, which could have affected the original colour layout.Show less
In this thesis the results of a microscopic analysis of ornaments from the Dutch Funnel Beaker culture (3350-2750 cal. BC) are presented. It is tried to get a better understanding of the meaning of...Show moreIn this thesis the results of a microscopic analysis of ornaments from the Dutch Funnel Beaker culture (3350-2750 cal. BC) are presented. It is tried to get a better understanding of the meaning of the TRB ornaments. By using the concept of cultural biography of objects, insight is gained into how ornaments were treated during this period. Several patterns were distinguished in the choice of raw material, the shape of ornaments, the amount of use and the deposition of ornaments. Most ornaments were made of amber, followed by jet and stone. A strong preference for disc-shaped beads was observed, followed by cylindrical-shaped beads. Other shapes, such as pendants, were only sporadically observed. The technological analysis resulted in the conclusion that ornaments were made following a rather straightforward production sequence of cutting, grinding and biconical perforating. Almost all ornaments were used to some degree. No clear pattern was found as to how, how long and how many ornaments were worn by a single individual. The few indications suggest a variety of ways to wear ornaments. After use, more than half of all ornaments were reground. Dutch Funnel Beaker ornaments are mainly found in the hunebedden. During social gatherings burials and rituals were performed at these megalithic structures, emphasizing and reinforcing the collective identity of the social group. It has been argued that the axes, flints and pottery deposited commemorated communal values, beliefs and activities. In this thesis a similar interpretation is suggested for the amber and jet ornaments. The only local source of amber and jet during the Dutch TRB was the coastal area. Exploiting this area was an important part of TRB existence. It is argued that the specific provenance of amber and jet would have created an association between this material and the coastal area. In this manner the ornaments could have come to symbolize the activity of travelling to and from and exploiting the coast. And in my opinion the ornaments in the hunebedden refer to this aspect of everyday life.Show less
Tell Sabi Abyad, an archaeological site in Northern Syria, near the Turkish border. The ceramics excavated at this site are among the earliest ceramics uncovered in Upper Mesopotamia. These...Show moreTell Sabi Abyad, an archaeological site in Northern Syria, near the Turkish border. The ceramics excavated at this site are among the earliest ceramics uncovered in Upper Mesopotamia. These ceramics cover a period from the end of the PPNB to the Pre-Halaf, ca. 7000-6200 BC. This period has been divided into many subdivisions by location and cultural-historical. Until recent a „new‟ period has been added; the IPN. These earliest ceramics are mostly from this period. The ceramics uncovered have been sampled and systematically examined on: baking colour, temper, grain amount, grain colour, surface finish, and decoration. The goal of this thesis is to give a preliminary report on the earliest ceramics of Tell Sabi Abyad, as a start for further research into this „newly‟ discovered period, and to show that further research is indeed required. The material has been underrated, is has also been found in South East Turkey, but was considered to be a discrepancy in the stratigraphy, until recent.Show less
The Pithecanthropus erectus fossils offer evidence that early Homo dispersed into South East Asia somewhere during the Palaeolithic. The main question that still remains is when this dispersal took...Show moreThe Pithecanthropus erectus fossils offer evidence that early Homo dispersed into South East Asia somewhere during the Palaeolithic. The main question that still remains is when this dispersal took place. However there is also another theory, depending on the outcome of the age of Pithecanthropus erectus; is it possible that Homo erectus evolved in Asia and then migrated to Africa? Over the years a lot of geological research has been conducted in order to date Pithecanthropus erectus, unearthed in Trinil, Java in 1891 by Dutchman Eugène Dubois. Unfortunately until now it has not been possible to provide an exact age estimate. Several researchers have attempted to date the surroundings of the fossil by means of relative and radiometric dating methods, but still ages fluctuate somewhere between 700 kya and 1.8 Ma. Determining the exact age has thus far still eluded the scientific world and this would provide better insight into the dispersal of early Homo. Argon-argon dating may finally provide a definitive answer for this thesis. I have examined the infill of shells which were unearthed by Dubois from the same layer Pithecanthropus erectus was discovered in. These shells, which have been filled up with sediment contain volcanic residue due to a volcanic eruption that took place very probably around the time Pithecanthropus erectus died. At the Free University of Amsterdam I have sampled minerals such as sanidine and plagioclase from the infill, separating them by means of heavy liquids and painstakingly handpicking the minerals one by one. Then argon-argon (40Ar/39Ar) dating was carried out on the minerals. Potassium-argon and argon-argon dating has been conducted on other minerals before in order to try and date this fossil, however those minerals were all taken from different layers and area‟s close to the actual site. The minerals that I examined and dated come from shells from within the actual layer in which Pithecanthropus was found and were excavated by Dubois himself. This research contributes to the attempts at dating this key fossil. Even though the argon-argon dating of the minerals did not yield any definitive results yet, future work on the minerals I selected from the shells may do so.Show less
The quantification of labour in ancient Egypt is an under exposed field of study. Ancient sources are scarce on solid data about the labour processes of that time or the deployment of staff or...Show moreThe quantification of labour in ancient Egypt is an under exposed field of study. Ancient sources are scarce on solid data about the labour processes of that time or the deployment of staff or personnel. The way the administration of the Egyptian state worked has been researched extensively. These studies encompass the long and dynamic history of the pharaonic state, from the Early Dynastic Period to the Graeco-Roman period in the very end. In reconstructing the labour processes of specific activities we may find a way to address the question of quantification. The process of building with mud brick can be an example to study the way how the ancient Egyptians organized their labour. The reconstruction of this process allows us to quantify the labour – in terms of man-hours and duration - for each successive stage. From there, it is possible to estimate the efforts and expenses (funds) necessary to realize the building. A labour organization model has been devised to support and structure the reconstruction of the building processes and to quantify both labour and funds. The building of the First Dynasty fortress at Elephantine has been subject of a case study to test the model. Although we can not reconstruct the ancient processes in detail, the outcome provides reliable information to assess the labour involved with the erection of the initial fortress at Elephantine.Show less
Refuse layers are often rich in plant remains, which give them the potential to provide valuable information to archaeobotanics. However, the plant remains within these layers could have entered...Show moreRefuse layers are often rich in plant remains, which give them the potential to provide valuable information to archaeobotanics. However, the plant remains within these layers could have entered the layers via a considerable number of combinations of pathways and additionally these layers are exposed to processes such as contamination and reduction, which affect the botanical composition. Due to this complex nature, it remains difficult to fully interpret the botanical information from such refuse layers. Therefore, a new approach is presented, to optimise the interpretation of plant remains from refuse layers based on the analysis and characterisation of botanical samples from refuse layers within a street, some houses and a granary in Karanis, a Graeco-Roman village in Egypt. By analysing the botanical composition of the samples and the degree of fragmentation of the plant remains together with the reduction through consumption by humans, livestock, rodents and/or insects, it was possible to distinguish certain clusters of plant remains. In combination with the additional analysis of the photographs of the large sieve fractions of the samples, these clusters could be assigned to possible pathways, such as crumbled building materials, crumbled dung and kitchen waste. Moreover, it appeared that all samples showed some similarity in botanical composition, which could probably be attributed to crumbled architecture, in combination with the influence of the wind. Furthermore, it appeared that reduction of the plant material by rodent gnawing has occurred in almost all contexts. As a result of these analyses it became possible to improve the characterisation and hence the interpretation of botanical remains from various refuse layers, based on which in the future the sampling strategy can be adjusted in relation to specific research questions. Fruits of safflower (Carthamus tinctorius) were identified in the majority of the samples and, because of the rich occurrence of oil presses in Karanis, it was investigated whether the safflower remains were the result of oil production or of other processes, such as animal activity. In order to do so, a small literature study was combined with the proxy data of the safflower remains. Based on the written evidence, it could not be determined exactly how safflower oil was produced and what kind of remains this created. However, the degree of fragmentation and the considerable number of safflower remains that showed traces of consumption by livestock and/or gnawing marks of rodents, suggest that the remains were probably the result of animal activity rather than oil production.Show less
The entry of a high number of large animals from Africa, North America and Asia into Europe during the Plio‐Pleistocene provided a rich diversity of both herbivore and carnivore populations. These...Show moreThe entry of a high number of large animals from Africa, North America and Asia into Europe during the Plio‐Pleistocene provided a rich diversity of both herbivore and carnivore populations. These high numbers of animal dispersals into Europe indicate that the continent was a sink habitat during the Plio‐Pleistocene and probably open to way of hominid entry into the continent. Studying of these dispersals is important for understanding the late Neogene and the Quaternary environment of Europe, particularly the timing of the establishment and collapsing of the land bridges as well as developments in climate and vegetation. Moreover, a high number of long distance animal dispersals also give to opportunity of a studying the animal dispersals’ behaviors and modes which represent the occurrence of a dispersal in ‘space’, ‘time’ and ‘form’. The Plio‐Pleistocene long distance dispersals of animals into Europe reveal four distinct movement patterns as ‘geodispersal,’ ‘secular migration’, ‘diffusion’ and ‘jump dispersal’. At the same time, variation in the dispersal behaviors of animals as ‘migration’ and ‘immigration’ were observed in which, the duration of species were much longer by ‘immigration’ between the Late Pliocene and Cromerian, however, after the establishment of the 100 kyr climate cyclicity, the ‘migration’ behavior of herbivores were the dominant pattern which reveal short term duration and repeated back and forward movements of the species into the continent.Show less
The main subject of this thesis is the research of traditional pottery workshops in present-day Egypt. Pottery workshops producing pottery in a traditional way are disappearing due to several...Show moreThe main subject of this thesis is the research of traditional pottery workshops in present-day Egypt. Pottery workshops producing pottery in a traditional way are disappearing due to several factors discussed in this thesis. The author decided to study a selection of workshops in Egypt, covering a large part of the Nile Valley: in the Fustat area in Cairo, in the Fayum, at Deir Mawas, and in the Qena-Ballas area. The research is intended to document one of the aspects of the heritage of Egypt on the one hand. On the other hand, the description of the workshops also serves ethnoarchaeological research. By creating a general view of the workshops, the information gathered with the descriptions, can be used to interpret archaeological remains of pottery workshops. As a framework to the description of the workshops a chapter is devoted to the production technologies of pottery, the so-called chaîne d’opératoire, to understand the activities usually occurring in a workshop. After that, the practice of studying pottery is discussed with special focus on ethnoarchaeological research as one of the possible study methods. The description of the workshops covers the largest part of this thesis. Every area is described in a separate chapter and per workshop the production technologies and the spatial distribution of the activities within the workshop are described. The layout and architecture of the workshops are treated as well. After that, one chapter is concerned with the comparison of the workshops in order to create a general view of the workshops and the activities therein. From this general discussion it becomes clear that the activities are conducted in the most convenient location in or outside the workshop. Also, certain features and activities appear to have a fixed location within a workshop, while others are not allocated in a specific area. The use of this general view of workshops in present-day Egypt to interpret archaeological remains is tested in a case study of site O45.1 in el-Amarna. The remains in this area have been identified as pottery workshops and will be compared to the general plan of the workshops created in this thesis. As the archaeological remains appeared to be scarce, it proved to be difficult to interpret the architecture and layout of the workshops and the activities conducted in the workshops as well as their distribution. The general description of the present-day workshops can then be used to fill in the gaps of the remains of the past as will become clear after the evaluation. Therefore, in the opinion of the author, the description of the workshops is necessary to document the heritage of Egypt as well as to aid archaeologists in interpreting the subject of their research.Show less
De transformatie van tempel naar kerk, ook wel tempel conversie genoemd, is een interessant verschijnsel dat zich vooral heeft geuit tussen de derde en de zesde eeuw. In deze periode incorporeren...Show moreDe transformatie van tempel naar kerk, ook wel tempel conversie genoemd, is een interessant verschijnsel dat zich vooral heeft geuit tussen de derde en de zesde eeuw. In deze periode incorporeren christelijke groeperingen (vaak leegstaande) tempels, en gebruiken het als plek voor de uitvoering van hun eigen religieuze praktijken. Egypte, dat een heel lange periode van complexe beschaving kent, bergt talloze tempels en kent een belangrijke periode van christelijke cultuur. Daarom is Egypte belangrijk in het onderzoek naar de verspreiding van het christendom en beschikt over veel materiaal dat de transformatie van tempel naar kerk kan toelichten. Friedrich Deichmann heeft als pionier een catalogus opgesteld met tempels die christelijke resten vertonen (inscripties etc.), verspreid over het gehele Romeinse Oosten. Door deze te vergelijken met teksten van antieke schrijvers, interpreteert hij de christelijke aanwezigheid in tempels als een overheersing van het heidendom. In de decennia na Deichmann is er veel onderzoek gedaan naar de vroegchristelijke gemeenschap. Echter, deze onderzoeken betreffen vaak alleen de gemeenschap en niet de archeologische resten die ze hebben achter gelaten. Afgezien van een aantal publicaties uit de afgelopen 15 jaar, is Deichmann de enige die het fenomeen tempel-conversie en de beweegredenen achter deze kwestie op heeft genomen in zijn onderzoek. De bronnen die in dit onderzoek gebruikt worden betreffen archeologische en geschreven bronnen. Het zwaartepunt ligt op de geschreven bronnen, omdat deze categorie omvangrijker is dan de archeologische bronnen welke zelfs als ‘schaars’ worden aangeduid. De geschreven bronnen vormen echter geen goede basis voor het onderzoek, omdat deze gekleurd zijn door de mening van de auteur. Verder zijn deze bronnen vaak niet contemporain en (meerdere malen) gekopieerd. Ook zijn, en dat geldt voor beide categorieën bronnen, de bronnen multiinterpretabel. Dit bemoeilijkt het onderzoek en daarom is het lastig om, met behulp van de beschikbare bronnen, tot een weloverwogen conclusie te komen. Ook Deichmann’s interpretatie en conclusie brengen problemen met zich mee. Ten eerste, doordat Deichmann het zwaartepunt van zijn argumentatie legt op de antieke bronnen, baseert hij zich eigenlijk op een heel gekleurd beeld, namelijk het beeld wat de antieke schrijver (in zijn geval Eusebius van Caesarea) wil schetsen. Ten tweede, Deichmann’s argumentatie is op een dusdanige manier geconstrueerd dat er een cirkelredenering ontstaat. Ten derde, zijn theorie suggereert een generalisatie: dat de conversie van tempels overal in het Romeinse Rijk op dezelfde manier wordt uitgevoerd. Op deze manier worden dus meerdere manieren van conversie uitgesloten, en het debat over de relaties tussen heidenen en christenen in een bepaald hoekje gedrukt. Het is daarom nodig om een andere (theoretische) insteek te nemen in het onderzoek. Het antwoord ligt in de sociale wetenschap: Social Memory, als een concept wat in eerste instantie gebruikt wordt om contemporaine gemeenschappen te interpreteren. Doordat Social Memory breed ingezet wordt (in de verschillende takken van de sociale wetenschap), biedt het brede perspectieven voor interpretatie. Social memory bespreekt het proces van herinneren en vergeten binnen het collectieve geheugen van een gemeenschap, en concentreert zich op (belangrijke) historische gebeurtenissen in het (dagelijks) leven van de mensen. Religie is ook een belangrijke vorm van social memory, omdat het een belangrijke factor in het dagelijks leven van de mensen is. De tempel is het meest belangrijkste instituut betreffende de religie. Doordat social memory de tempel en zijn uiterlijke vorm bespreken, is het mogelijk om ‘from the bottom up’-view te creëren. De tempel (en de archeologische bronnen) worden hiermee als onderwerp behandeld, en niet als lijdend bewijs. Omdat de bronnen multi-interpretabel zijn, is het nog steeds lastig om een compleet beeld te vormen betreffende de conversie van tempels, en de relaties tussen heidenen en christenen. De bronnen confirmeren beide benaderingen, en daarom biedt social memory (als theoretisch) concept nog geen uitkomst in het onderzoek naar de conversie van tempels. Het is daarom nodig om verder te kijken dan alleen de tempels, bijvoorbeeld naar de context en de gemeenschap. Omdat de christenen een rustige gemeenschap leken te zijn die niet te onderscheiden was van een normale ‘heiden’ (als beschreven in de oude bronnen), lijkt het vrij lastig om aan te nemen dat er een soort collectieve haat bestond tussen heidenen en christenen. Er kunnen verscheidene redenen genoemd worden die dit beeld versterken, zoals begrafenissen op de zelfde plekken en gezamenlijke liturgische en kunstzinnige aspecten. Deze feiten weerleggen de theorie dat de christenen en heidenen op vijandige voet leefden enigszins, maar verklaren nog steeds niet de redenen betreffende de conversie van tempels naar christelijke kerken, hoe deze conversie in zijn werk ging, en waarom. Om hier achter te komen zou elke tempel (in Egypte) op zich zelf bestudeerd moeten worden, om te kijken wat er is precies gebeurd is. Op deze manier kan er een driedimensionaal model gecreëerd worden, dat beide de conversie van tempels bespreekt, als de (veranderende) relatie tussen heidenen en christenen.Show less
Egyptian seafaring in the second millennium BCE is examined in its social and economic aspects simultaneously, using an integrated approach relying on archaeological, iconographic, textual, and...Show moreEgyptian seafaring in the second millennium BCE is examined in its social and economic aspects simultaneously, using an integrated approach relying on archaeological, iconographic, textual, and ethnographic evidence. Geography and technology are considered, along with status, the Egyptian world view, and the regional power structure. Particular attention is given to trade and exchange and the role of institutions and individuals in society and the economy. Social organisation in the dangerous conditions of seafaring is essential to the discussion, as are the insights provided by the evidence into life at sea. Seafaring is shown to have depended upon hierarchical order and the cooperation of others. The high point of second millennium seafaring is characterised, together with the role of seafaring in the decline of the Bronze Age palace system. It is shown that travel and trade, along with subsistence, military, and diplomatic activities, ultimately transformed social, political, and economic power relationships in Egypt and the region.Show less
This research discusses the analysis of the stable isotopes 13C and 15N which were extracted from faunal bone material, dating from the seventh and early sixth millennium BC (the Late Neolithic)...Show moreThis research discusses the analysis of the stable isotopes 13C and 15N which were extracted from faunal bone material, dating from the seventh and early sixth millennium BC (the Late Neolithic) from Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria. The aim of this stable isotope analysis was to learn more about domestication of the animals and their diet, but also to see if there is a connection between the observed cultural change which is supposed to be related to a climate signal (the 8.2 ka event) and the zoological record. To perform this analysis, a broad sample of faunal bone material was collected and processed at Rijksuniversiteit Groningen (RUG) in the Centre for Isotope Research (CIO). The material appeared to be very fragile and not all samples contained enough collagen to provide reliable data. After a quality control, 35 samples remained as the final selection. Due to the reduction of the sample, it appeared to be impossible to draw any conclusions on the domestication of cattle. The 13C values of the successful samples suggest that there was a difference between the diet of wild herbivores (Gazelle), which seem to have been feeding almost exclusively on C3 plants and domesticated herbivores (caprines: Ovis and Capra) which show signals of a diet based on both C3 and C4 plants. The flocks were most likely herded over and extensive territory. The 15N values seem do indicate arid conditions in the area of Tell Sabi Abyad and possibly the practice of manuring. A significant change within the diet of the caprine group seem to have occurred exactly around the shift of the two Sequences of the settlement, which coincide with the assumed climate change of the 8.2 ka event. While the carbon and nitrogen values of early caprines indicate a broad diet and wide-ranged herding practices, the late caprines seem to point towards a diet consisting of mainly C3 plants and there is reason to believe that the flocks were kept closer to the settlement.Show less
Jaina figurines are ceramic statuettes of approximately 25-30cm high, the majority of which is found on Jaina Island, near the coastline of Campeche, Mexico. They are produced between 500-900AD and...Show moreJaina figurines are ceramic statuettes of approximately 25-30cm high, the majority of which is found on Jaina Island, near the coastline of Campeche, Mexico. They are produced between 500-900AD and belong to the Classic/(Late)-Classic period of Maya civilization. The far majority of the statuettes is found in a burial context. Because of the favourable preservation conditions in the burial, the colours (red, white, Maya blue, and yellow) are still clearly visible. This study focuses on the social identities visible in the Jaina figurines. Which information can be derived from the statuettes concerning the social identities that existed in the (Late)-Classic Maya society? For this study 28 Jaina figurines are examined. They are discussed on several focal points to identify the portrayed social identity: colour, clothing, jewellery, position of the body, headdress, face, gender, and emotion. A model by Houston is used for the latter part, emotion can provide information about the social status of the depicted individual. Jaina figurines of this corpus display social identities that were present in (Late)-Classic Maya court life, including supernaturals. In Maya worldview, gods were like any other social identity part of society. Jaina figurines provide insights in the gender division of labour that existed in Maya society as known from that period from other sources. Because of the natural attitude of the depicted individuals, Jaina figurines form a unique 3D source for a study on (Late)-Classic Maya court life. This study has several limitations, the sample is limited and no research was performed on Jaina Island itself. A wider research containing more access to more statuettes and an investigation of its context could answer many new questions risen in this thesis. This study is a good picture of the social identities that occurred in (Late)-Classic Maya court. It shows the potential of information about Maya court life that can be derived from studying Jaina figurines.Show less
Capacity development is a widely used system in international development. As the management of maritime and underwater cultural heritage is a relatively new discipline, so is the use of capacity...Show moreCapacity development is a widely used system in international development. As the management of maritime and underwater cultural heritage is a relatively new discipline, so is the use of capacity development there. One of the most widely used systems for developing capacity in this specialised field of cultural heritage has been created by the Nautical Archaeological Society (NAS). Unfortunately this system, together with most other capacity development projects, does not include a standard measuring method to track results. The aim of this thesis therefore is twofold: first to create a method for measuring the results of NAS based capacity development projects on the management of maritime and underwater cultural heritage, secondly to measure the results of the participants in the development of their capacity. To measure both results, two case studies are presented: one from Sri Lanka and one from South Africa. As no data on the personal development from Sri Lanka could be obtained, the results of this part of the research are based on just the South African case. For measuring the results on the management of maritime and underwater cultural heritage, the 2001 UNESCO convention on the protection of underwater cultural heritage has been transformed into a check list. It the management of this heritage complies more with the 2001 convention, it is regarded as being better. The check list provides an easy tool to clarify which elements have to be measured, in order to measure progress. The conclusion of the first part of the research is that the management of maritime and underwater cultural heritage has seemed to be improved as a result of the NAS courses held on Robben Island and Sri Lanka. But as there have been only two, fairly recent, case studies used, more research is needed to formulate definite conclusions for the system used by the NAS. As there were too few respondents from the questionnaires, no conclusions can be drawn on the role of the NAS course on the development of capacity of the participants. There are however indications that the NAS course did improve the capacities of the participants, from experienced maritime archaeologists to divers with no universal degree at all. Research on participants of other courses would therefore be highly recommended. Also more research is needed to find out if the Western based methods of the NAS are the best answer to the needs of non European countries.Show less
West-Frisia is an archeologically rich area of prehistoric remains, that are excellently preserved in the calcareous soil. However, not much is known from this interesting period, although many...Show moreWest-Frisia is an archeologically rich area of prehistoric remains, that are excellently preserved in the calcareous soil. However, not much is known from this interesting period, although many investigations have been carried out in the last several decades. This is mainly the case for the Bronze Age period. Most of these investigations are not elaborated in papers or simply not published at all. The continuous agricultural purposes in the area are a direct threat to the preservation of our past and important information is therefore about to be lost. Yet, we do know that the area became inhabitable around 3000 BC (Van Heeringen and Theunissen 2001; De Mulder and Bosch 1982) and that it did not take long before the first inhabitants settled down. The earliest occupation traces are known from Zandwerven, generally dated around 2600 BC (Hallewas and De Mulder 1987, 170; Hogestijn and Woltering 1990, 155). There exists a general occupation model of West-Frisia. It stresses that as a result of extreme wettening the area became uninhabitable at the end of the Late Neolithic and people were therefore forced to move elsewhere. At the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, when the area offered excellent circumstances for occupation again, West-Frisia became colonized (Brandt 1980; Brandt 1988; Fokkens 2005b; IJzereef and Van Regteren Altena 1991; Van Wijngaarden-Bakker and Brinkkemper 2005; Woltering 1985; Woltering and Sarfatij 1976). The area remained inhabited until the end of the Late Bronze Age, when wettening circumstances eventually made the area uninhabitable again (IJzereef and Van Regteren Altena 1991). However, indications of Early Bronze Age occupation are known (Van Beek and Hamburg 2002; De Boer and Molenaar 2006; Hallewas and De Mulder 1987). Therefore it seems unlikely to hold on to the outdated occupation models. Chance finds like for instance Barbed Wire sherds are known as well, but these finds seem to become generally ignored. The area of West-Frisia is thus likely to have been continuously inhabited from the Late Neolithic until the Late Bronze Age onwards. Geologically the area was inhabitable during the Early Bronze Age. The fact that not much artefacts or house plans of that particular period (represented as the Barbed Wire Culture) are known, is a similar problem concerning all regions in the Netherlands (Arnoldussen and Fokkens 2008; Fokkens 2005b; Fokkens 2008). The habitation history of West-Frisia is clearly a little more complicated than is previously thought and it is time for new investigations and assumptions about this interesting period and area. The assumed colonization of West-Frisia at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age is questionable. Indications for Early Bronze Age occupation are inevitable and the arguments that support the colonization theory are no longer up to date. The Hoogkarspel-oud ceramics which date to the Middle Bronze Age are generally seen to originate from the area of Het Gooi because it bears resemblances to the Hilversum-Draken-Laren ceramic sequence (Van Beek and Hamburg 2002; Brandt 1980; Brandt 1988). But in fact the Hoogkarspel ceramics bears resemblances to all Early Bronze Age ceramics in the Netherlands. Only the variations in shape and decoration are much more elaborated compared to other ceramic assemblages at the time of the Late Bronze Age (Butler and Fokkens 2005, 377). Moreover, the Hoogkarspel ceramic assemblage misses the characteristic horseshoe-shaped ears and handles of the Hilversum-Draken-Laren ceramics (Butler and Fokkens 2005, 375-376). As is described above, the lack of Early Bronze Age indications are not restricted to West-Frisia. This problem accounts for the whole Netherlands (Arnoldussen and Fokkens 2008; Fokkens 2005b; Fokkens 2008). The geological processes that took place in West-Frisia from the Late Neolithic period on, are likely to be responsible for the erosion of Early Bronze Age traces (Lohof and Vaars 2005, 14; Woltering 1985, 19). The pattern of gully systems changed over time (De Boer and Molenaar 2006; Van Heeringen and Theunissen 2001; Mol 2002; De Mulder and Bosch 1982; Woltering 1985), forcing inhabitants to move along with the system. As a result, habitation was present at different areas each time the pattern of gullies and creeks had changed. This is reflected in the eastwards movement of habitation during the Middle Bronze Age. It is therefore likely that colonization never happened. The inhabitants of Middle Bronze Age eastern West-Frisia are likely to be the descendants of the Early Bronze Age inhabitants in western West-Frisia. Hence, West-Frisia was never abandoned completely. Most likely the area was continuously inhabited from the Late Neolithic period until, at least, the Late Bronze Age.Show less
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