On the Syrian archaeological site Tell Sabi Abyad extensive traces of reed phytoliths and imprints have been found during the excavation seasons 2008 and 2009. These silica imprints can be...Show moreOn the Syrian archaeological site Tell Sabi Abyad extensive traces of reed phytoliths and imprints have been found during the excavation seasons 2008 and 2009. These silica imprints can be allocated stratigraphically to either one of the Early Ceramic Neolithic levels A-4A and A-4B, dating to approximately 6400 calBC. The reed phytoliths and imprints are often accompanied with impressions of branches or beams. The role and function of the reed and beam impressions is unclear, forming for instance either a roof of the level A-4B buildings, or a foundation layer of the level A-4B structures. Both allocations are problematic, as the roofs would have covered buildings with an average height of approximately 80 centimetres, while the occurrence of beams in foundation layers - as opposed to the use of reed - seems without ethnographic parallels. When confronting an assessment of the excavation data regarding reed silica imprints and beam impressions with architectural and ethnographical hypotheses, the possible role and function of the reed and beams is clarified. Through a process of eliminating non-viable hypotheses a clear picture emerges: the reed and beams can only be interpreted as being a part of the foundation layer of level A-4A, constructed after the levelling of the remains of the previous level A-4B.Show less
The analysis of the Ptolemaic and Greco-Bactrian coins has showed that the symbols on the coins are partly Hellenistic, but partly typical of Ptolemaic Egypt as well. There are some similarities...Show moreThe analysis of the Ptolemaic and Greco-Bactrian coins has showed that the symbols on the coins are partly Hellenistic, but partly typical of Ptolemaic Egypt as well. There are some similarities between the Ptolemaic and Bactrian coins. The coins usually show a prince or princess on the obverse side with several royal or divine attributes, and a god or goddess on the reverse side. Although there are similarities, there are many discontinuities as well with regard to the iconography. Discontinuities are found between the coins of the ruling princes themselves, but also between the coins of the two Hellenistic kingdoms, Ptolemaic Egypt and Bactria, in general. Depending on the popularity of the prince or his power, on ruler is portrayed with certain symbols and the other with other or less symbols. Thus, not every prince is depicted with the aegis of Zeus or with the trident of Poseidon. It seems that certain symbols had to be earned and that’s why there isn’t a standard applied to all Ptolemaic coins. The Bactrian coins confirmed this theory. When the Ptolemaic coins are analyzed and compared with the Bactrian coins there are differences and similarities to be discovered as well. The iconography of a coin seems to have been influenced by the local culture and the degree of integration between different cultures. Bactrian coins showed similar symbols as the Ptolemaic coins. For that reason there can be argued that there is a standard for the iconography applied to both the Hellenistic kingdoms. When you compare the Ptolemaic coins with our currency, the euro, you can see that the euro is a Dutch currency, but a European currency as well. This is how the Dutch look at the euro, as a Dutch coin and as a European coin. The Ptolemaic coin is a typical Ptolemaic coin with typical culture defined symbols, but also a Hellenistic coin, with symbols similar to the Bactrian coins.Show less
De belangrijkste conclusie die getrokken kan worden over het cultuurcontact tussen de Grieken en de Egyptenaren in de vroeg Ptolemaeïsche periode in Egypte is dat dit contact wederzijds was. Het...Show moreDe belangrijkste conclusie die getrokken kan worden over het cultuurcontact tussen de Grieken en de Egyptenaren in de vroeg Ptolemaeïsche periode in Egypte is dat dit contact wederzijds was. Het waren niet alleen de Grieken die de Egyptenaren beïnvloedde, maar ook andersom. Wie invloed had op de ander wordt vaak gebaseerd op de context waarin een object is teruggevonden. Dit is goed aan te tonen door Alexandrië als case-study te onderzoeken binnenin Ptolemaeïsch Egypte. Hier heeft de Egyptische cultuur de Griekse cultuur beïnvloed. Onder andere door de kult van Serapis en de Egyptische beelden die gevonden zijn in de stad. Niet alleen in Alexandrië is de Griekse materiële cultuur beïnvloed door de Egyptische, ook op veel Griekse beelden is deze invloed aan te treffen. Vaak waren de Griekse beelden uit Egyptische materiaal gemaakt of bezaten ze nog een steunpilaar. De 1e drie Ptolemaeïsche koningen lieten zichzelf bovendien afbeelden als farao’s in plaats van Griekse vorsten, omdat ze het land bleven regeren zoals de farao’s voor hen ook hadden gedaan. Ook lieten ze de lokale structuur intact, waarin de priesters van de Egyptische tempels een belangrijke rol speelden. Griekse invloed op de Egyptische cultuur is onder andere terug te vinden in tempels. In grote lijnen zijn de Egyptische tempels hetzelfde gebleven, zoals hun plattegrond, maar zijn details wel veranderd, zoals de kapitelen. Ook in de economie zijn er veranderingen doorgevoerd. De belangrijkste verandering in de economie was het invoeren van munten. Op deze munten werden de Ptolemaeën wel afgebeeld als Griekse leiders. In de religie waren ook wederzijdse invloeden. De Grieken gingen hun pantheon verbinden met de Egyptische en er ontstond een nieuwe god uit twee Egyptische goden: Serapis. De koninginnen en koningen kregen een grotere status binnen de Egyptische cultuur, want vanaf de cultus van Arsinoë II werden ze gedurende hun leven en dood vereerd als goden. Er heeft dus integratie plaatsgevonden en dit geeft aan dat de term Hellenisatie niet toepasbaar is op Egypte, want het is niet zo dat alleen de Grieken invloed hebben gehad op de Egyptenaren; het was een wisselwerking. De term ‘Ptolemaeïsering’ is dus meer op zijn plaats.Show less
In this bachelor thesis I investigate whether Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour or not. I established three hypotheses: 1) Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour where males hunt...Show moreIn this bachelor thesis I investigate whether Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour or not. I established three hypotheses: 1) Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour where males hunt and females gather plant foods and perform other activities, 2) Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour where males and females hunt but males perform the most dangerous tasks, 3) there was no sexual division of labour and males and females hunted and gathered in equal amounts. To find out if Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour, a meta-study of two osteological analyses applied to Neanderthal bones was performed. The first methods that was used was a comparison of the shape and robusticity of male and female Neanderthal limb bones compared to samples of modern human huntergatherers and sedentary populations. Secondly the distribution of trauma across the skeletons of male and female Neanderthals was compared. In both of the analyses the evidence pointed towards the first hypothesis. The evidence however was too limited. The small sample size of sexable Neanderthals was the largest issue. I concluded that according to the data gathered in this thesis hypothesis 1 is the most likely. However, none of the three hypotheses can be rejected confidently due to the limited evidence.Show less
The discovery of remains of a lion in the Gran Dolina cave (Atapuerca, Spain) with pronounced signs of butchering makes one wonder why hominids would want to hunt for a large carnivore without...Show moreThe discovery of remains of a lion in the Gran Dolina cave (Atapuerca, Spain) with pronounced signs of butchering makes one wonder why hominids would want to hunt for a large carnivore without projectile weapons. These lion remains are special, but not unique in the Middle and Upper Palaeolithic of Europe. Traces of hunting for lions and wolves are present at a limited number of sites, and procurement of brown bear and cave bear is widespread. In this paper I explore a costly signalling explanation for hunting on these large carnivores. The costly signalling theory states that animals can use signalling to show a quality that is otherwise not easily observed. If the signal is truly costly, this guarantees a level of honesty and receivers of the signal can benefit by responding to it. In our hominid case, strong men can show their hunting quality by engaging in risky hunts for large carnivores. Observing females will then preferentially mate with those males and competitors will be deterred. Anthropological studies apply costly signalling theory to explain deviations from the expected patterns of optimal foraging theory. I will discuss an anthropological case study and then return to the archaeological situation to asses the value of costly signalling for hunting for large carnivores in the European Palaeolithic. Showing the results of signalling in the archaeological record is difficult, but indirect observations can be used. The main value of costly signalling theory lies in its ability to explain economically unexpected behaviour and in introducing sexual selection to European Palaeolithic archaeology.Show less
By research of ‘occupational stress markers’ (markers on the skeleton which appear during life because of repeated acts), archaeologists have learned a lot about the lifestyle of people from the...Show moreBy research of ‘occupational stress markers’ (markers on the skeleton which appear during life because of repeated acts), archaeologists have learned a lot about the lifestyle of people from the past. Since the beginning of the last century a lot of research has been done on these markers of occupational stress. However there is also a lot of uncertainty and disagreement about the research on these markers. For example, there are several different terms in literature which are meaning approximately all the same, there are different scoringsystems in use and not every study takes the non-mechanical factors, which can play a role by the appearance of the markers, into account. This study is showing how an occupational stress marker exactly appears, which factors are necessary for this and which other factors (like body size and age) also can play a role in the appearance. I also give examples of the activities we can derive from the markers and the reliability of these results. I give a review of the different scoringsystems which are used today, as well. Herewith I come to an overview about what occupational stress markers, and related terms, exactly are. About what archaeologists can do with it. About the reliability of the results. And what the most recent opinions are, researches take today about these markers of occupational stress.Show less
In the 1970’s, Flannery established household archaeology as a legitimate subfield in archaeology with his book The Early Mesoamerican Village (1976). He implemented new scientific methods for...Show moreIn the 1970’s, Flannery established household archaeology as a legitimate subfield in archaeology with his book The Early Mesoamerican Village (1976). He implemented new scientific methods for analyzing past households. His ideas and methods had far-reaching impact on archaeological methodology, and would significantly change the field of household archaeology in Mesoamerica. His methods of excavation form the basis of every research on households in archaeology, regardless of its theoretical background. Not all his ideas stood the test of time, however, and in recent years there has been a growing range of research perspectives. Processual ideas about the universal, rationally explainable nature of human society have been increasingly criticized with the growing importance of social theory in archaeology. The focus of household archaeology shifted from the organization of daily life to the ideas, the symbolic dimension behind that organization. The different approaches have their flaws. The rational nature of human culture may be strongly relativized, and therefore it would be unproductive to study past societies from that perspective, since interpretations could be erroneous and we would miss out on a wide range of aspects of the cultures studied. However, there are so far no universally valid methods for studying symbolic aspects, memory and worldview in past societies. It is important that biological, behavioral and symbolic aspects of societies in their context all have a place in the investigation of households, so that a complete picture of past cultures may emerge. Perspectives on how societies work, and therefore on what the focus of research could and should be are evolving constantly with the developing of new techniques and perspectives in other fields of human sciences. Perhaps the most important thing in our research of past cultures is the meticulous registration of data and of our reasoning, theoretical perspectives and interpretations, so that further research can build on it in order to develop our knowledge of past societies.Show less
Portugal started trading with the Tupi-Indians in Brazil from 1500 AD, followed by the French in 1503 AD. The Portuguese had a more professional approach in this then the French. The French showed,...Show morePortugal started trading with the Tupi-Indians in Brazil from 1500 AD, followed by the French in 1503 AD. The Portuguese had a more professional approach in this then the French. The French showed, in contrast to the Portuguese, interest in the Indian culture. Portugal started colonising Brazil in 1532 AD, followed by the French in 1555 AD. The Tupinikin Indians helped the Portuguese building colonies, but later the Tupinikin revolted. For long Pernambuco remained the most successful colony of the Portuguese, despite the growing importance of the colony Bahia, founded in 1549 AD, in which the royal government was seated. With help of the Tupinikin, the Tupinambá Indians were driven out of Bahia. They gave the Tupinikin a second chance by settling them, together with the slaves, in the missionary villages. The French found Rio de Janeiro and the stronghold Antarctic France in 1555 AD. The colonists maintained a healthy relation with the local Tamoio-Indians. In 1560 AD Mem de Sá and his army, under which many Tupinambá males, took over both settlements. In 1604 AD, the French found Maranhao, without breaking their relationship with the Tamoio tribe. They were eager in converting the Indians to Christianity. Maranhão was taken over by the Portuguese in 1615. For France, the colonization of Brazil had come to an end. From the early seventeenth century the Dutch began trading along the Brazilian coast and during the 1620s AD they became serious competitors of the Portuguese. The West-Indian Company took hold of several Portuguese colonies. In 1628 AD they intercepted the Spanish treasure fleet, which filled up the Dutch treasury. The WIC was able to undertake new expeditions in which they took hold of Olinda and Recife, both former Portuguese colonies. In 1636 AD Johan Maurits improved the social relations between the soldiers, civilians and slaves. Indians were treated with respect. Councils took place in which the Dutch and the Portuguese discussed the many conflicts between them. Hereby their relationship improved, however fights over colonies did still occur. Recife became the company’s most important colony during the seventeenth century.Show less
Over the past 200 years the archaeology of the Olmec region in Veracruz, Mexico developed and many ideas and theories came to life. This thesis focuses on the academic development of theory...Show moreOver the past 200 years the archaeology of the Olmec region in Veracruz, Mexico developed and many ideas and theories came to life. This thesis focuses on the academic development of theory concerning the Olmec colossal heads. To determine the line of thought of the various researchers in the area we can learn many things about the constitution of our own ideas. The development of Mesoamerican archaeology seems to have had a large influence on this matter. At first, under the influence of culture-history, scholars focussed their research mainly on specific objects and individual sites. When the Olmec civilization was discovered many refused to believe such a high developed society could predate the Maya’s, until eventually the antiquity of the Olmec culture was proved by radiocarbon dating. After 1960 Mesoamerican archaeology changed due to the emergence of processualism. More interest arose around processes of social activity and change and archaeologists started to conduct surveys on the Olmec frontier. A new generation of scholars believed that the Olmec society developed beside many other societies as a sister culture, sharing a mutual ideological system. Many of the researchers who had fought for the antiquity of the Olmec however did not agree with the new perspectives and still saw the Olmec as the mother culture to all Mesoamerican civilizations. Connected with this new debate was the problem of the social organization of the Olmec. These debates had a visible influence on the different theories about the construction of the Olmec heads. Both parties interpreted the stone heads in a way it would fit in their ideas about the Olmec culture. Now most scholars agree that the colossal heads represent leaders, although the reason for their manufacture still differs. A new interpretation on the matter has been presented in this paper. In the Moche culture of the Andes leaders used corporate art to legitimize their power. In the Olmec society leaders might also have used art, such as the colossal heads, as a way to prove their divine right to rule. This would explain the prominent ideology that is present in Mesoamerica.Show less
In de Caribische eilandengroep komt een type artefact voor dat sinds het begin van de vorige eeuw is beschreven, maar tot op heden op typologische kenmerken in het algemeen nauwelijks nader is...Show moreIn de Caribische eilandengroep komt een type artefact voor dat sinds het begin van de vorige eeuw is beschreven, maar tot op heden op typologische kenmerken in het algemeen nauwelijks nader is onderzocht in de Kleine Antillen. In deze scriptie staat daarom de onderzoeksvraag “wat zijn de stilistische kenmerken van de driepunters van de noordelijke Benedenwindse Eilanden?” centraal. Een antwoord wordt benaderd door samenstelling van een gegevensbestand waarin uiteindelijk 131 objecten zijn verwerkt. Na het schetsen van een overzicht van het huidige model van classificatie en de staat van onderzoekn geeft de auteur een overzicht van de individuele analysen van deze driepunters. Hierna worden de kenmerken per eigenschap gecorreleerd met andere kenmerken en met de contextuele informatie voor zover deze beschikbaar is, om zo de definiërende kenmerken te identificeren en de ontstaansgeschiedenis te achterhalen. Gebleken is dat een behoorlijk scala aan kenmerken onderhevig is aan verandering, met name waar het de keramische overgang tussen de Saladoid traditie en de Troumassoid traditie betreft. Enkele van deze kenmerken waren nog niet eerder als zodanig geïdentificeerd, en kenmerken die door eerdere auteurs als definiërend waren bestempeld blijken van ondergeschikt belang te zijn. Daaropvolgend wordt de representativiteit van het gegevensbestand en de analyses verdedigd, en worden de implicaties van de analyses besproken. Het bestaande model van classificatie wordt herzien aan de hand van de verkregen informatie, op zodanige wijze dat nietszeggende categorieën verdwijnen of gegroepeerd worden onder de overgebleven subtypes, welke op hun beurt geplaatst worden in een bepaalde fase van het ontwikkelingsproces van deze artefacten, of waarvan een specifieke spirituele bijbetekenis wordt vermoed. Hierbij worden verscheidene nieuwe subgroepen onderscheiden, en wordt een specifieke vorm die door andere auteurs beschreven is maar hier niet herkend is op basis van de typologische fase erkend. Uiteindelijk wordt geconcludeerd dat dit nieuwe model een betere basis biedt tot het vergaren van inzicht in dit type artefact, hoewel een gedeelte nog niet te plaatsen valt, en dat het belang van de stilistische kenmerken zowel op ontwikkeling als op spirituele betekenis gelegd moet worden. Boven alles wordt toekomstig onderzoek aan de hand van gedetailleerde gegevensbestanden aanbevolen.Show less
The sites of Schöningen have been the subject of archaeological research since 1983. The location Schöningen is situated in a lignite open cast mine and was exposed to the surface by mining...Show moreThe sites of Schöningen have been the subject of archaeological research since 1983. The location Schöningen is situated in a lignite open cast mine and was exposed to the surface by mining activities. The location Schöningen is divided into fifteen sites. A part of the fauna assemblage found at the sites Schö 12 and Schö 13 has been brought to the Leiden University for further study. The sites Schö 12II and Schö 13II have been formed during the Reinsdorf Interglacial. For this research the Cervidae specimens from the assemblage of these sites have been used. The Cervidae assemblage consists of 274 individual specimens which have been identified as Capreolus capreolus, Cervus elaphus and Megaloceros giganteus. Most of the specimens belong to Cervus elaphus and come from the layer Schö 13II-4. This layer is overall the richest layer of the site Schöningen, apart from the rich fauna assemblage of Schöningen there have also been other finds such as stone tools and the famous spears from Schöningen, which were found in 1994 and 1995. It is interesting that the specimens of Capreolos capreolos cannot be found in the layer Schö 13II-4, the climatological changes are probably the cause for the disappearance of this species. The research question presented in this paper focuses on the occurrence of Cervidae species in the diet of the hominins that lived in the Paleolithic period. This question will be answered by researching the traces of human hunting activities on the available material.Show less
This thesis examines the change of theory on the Danzantes through a historical approach. By giving an overview of change in the theory of the Danzantes, it is possible to determine which factors...Show moreThis thesis examines the change of theory on the Danzantes through a historical approach. By giving an overview of change in the theory of the Danzantes, it is possible to determine which factors influenced the researchers while proposing their theory on these late formative stone sculptures. Considering the influences on the theories of the Danzantes, we come closer to an objective view on the Danzantes. First, to understand the influence of the theories on the formation of the Monte Albán state on the interpretation of the Danzantes, an overview of different perspectives on the development of the site is provided. This is followed by an introduction to the Danzantes, where the different characteristics are discussed. Finally the debate on the interpretation of the Danzantes is discussed and linked to the theories of the rise of Monte Albán. This research proves that the different theories of Monte Albán over the course of time have influenced the way researchers perceive the Danzantes. This study has made it possible to determine different schools the debate on the Danzantes as well. Apart from this, some important observations made on research to the Danzantes and the Valley of Oaxaca in total are pointed out.Show less
Het doel van deze scriptie was de ontwikkeling weer te geven die de glyptiek op rolzegels heeft door gemaakt. Er werd gekeken naar de Vroeg Dynastische periode, de Akkadische periode, de Oud...Show moreHet doel van deze scriptie was de ontwikkeling weer te geven die de glyptiek op rolzegels heeft door gemaakt. Er werd gekeken naar de Vroeg Dynastische periode, de Akkadische periode, de Oud Babylonische periode en de Midden-Assyrische periode in Mesopotamië. Hierbij werd vooral gekeken naar zegels met worstelscènes. Naast een korte inleiding op de periode werd er gekeken naar de stijl, techniek en compositie. Ook werd er per periode gekeken naar de verschillende thema’s die werden gebruikt in de glyptiek. Hierbij vielen enkele grote verschillen op. In de Vroeg Dynastische periode was het zegel snijden nog duidelijk in ontwikkeling. Aan het einde van deze periode ontwikkelde de kunst zich van eenvoudige lijnen tot een stijl die uiteindelijk leidde tot de reliëf stijl. Hierbij werden de figuren steeds echter afgebeeld en motieven werden complexer. In de Akkadische periode was deze reliëf stijl op het hoogtepunt gekomen. Het meest belangrijke kenmerk in deze periode was de drang naar het afbeelden van de fysieke werkelijkheid. In de Oud Babylonische periode werd er veel teruggegrepen op de Vroeg Dynastische en de Akkadische periode qua stijl en techniek. De zegels waren in deze periode veel hetzelfde en om onderscheid te maken werden er met de boor gaten in het motief gemaakt. Een ander opvallend element zijn de figuren die ondersteboven werden weergegeven. In de Midden-Assyrische periode waren de zegels in alle opzichten een mengelmoes van stijlen, technieken, composities en technieken. De meest opvallende elementen in de motieven zijn de fantasievolle gevechten tussen allerlei vreemde wezens. Ook werden in deze periode de goden vooral gepersonifieerd door symbolen zoals een ster. Over het algemeen kun je zeggen dat veel van deze verschillen veroorzaakt waren door de situatie in het land. Als je bijvoorbeeld kijkt naar de Oud Babylonische periode, kun je duidelijk zien dat de politieke situatie invloed had op de kunst. Het land was hiervoor verdeeld in vele stadsstaatjes die onderling oorlog voerden. Er was op dat moment dus minder aandacht voor de kunst waardoor de glyptiek zichtbaar achteruit ging. Met andere woorden, de ontwikkeling van de glyptiek, en de daarbij ontstane verschillen, hangt samen met de politieke en sociale situatie in het land.Show less
In deze scriptie worden de theorieën rond de vroegste ronde huizen en de overgang naar rechthoekige huizen besproken. In het Nabije Oosten komt deze vroegste architectuur rond 9000 BC op in...Show moreIn deze scriptie worden de theorieën rond de vroegste ronde huizen en de overgang naar rechthoekige huizen besproken. In het Nabije Oosten komt deze vroegste architectuur rond 9000 BC op in verschillende regio’s waaronder Syrië (Umm el-Tlel), Mesopotamië (Zawi Chemi Shanidar) en Anatolië (Hallan Çemi Tepesi). De structuren zijn rond, ovaal of hoefijzervormig, half ingegraven en met muren gemaakt van klei of pisé. Rond het einde van het Pre Pottery Neolithic-B worden deze ronde en ovale structuren vervangen door rechthoekige of vierkante structuren. De ronde gebouwen verdwijnen dan al vrij snel helemaal. Er bestaan verschillende theorieën over waarom deze vroegste architectuur rond is en waarom men vrij snel de overstap maakt naar rechthoekige architectuur. Een van de antwoorden op de eerste vraag is dat de ronde structuren een vaste vorm van de tent zijn. Dat betekend dat er ronde tenten moeten zijn geweest. Etnografische bronnen laten echter zien dat vele tenten rechthoekig zijn. Een van de redenen dat men overstapt naar rechthoekige gebouwen zou zijn omdat wanneer men sedentair wordt er een andere sociale structuur ontstaat en men met een extended family in een huis gaat wonen. Hiervoor is er meer ruimte nodig dan een rond huis kan bieden. Een rechthoekig huis is eenvoudig te vergroten door kamers aan te bouwen en eenvoudig in te delen in verschillende kamers. Deze laatste theorie lijkt het meest waarschijnlijke antwoord op de vraag waarom men rechthoekige structuren gaat bouwen.Show less
Om belangrijke en unieke archeologische informatie te kunnen behouden is het nodig om ook gebieden die onder water liggen in het huidige intensieve archeologische systeem te betrekken. Dit kan door...Show moreOm belangrijke en unieke archeologische informatie te kunnen behouden is het nodig om ook gebieden die onder water liggen in het huidige intensieve archeologische systeem te betrekken. Dit kan door vondsten die op dit soort plaatsen gedaan worden, zij het toevallig of door doelgericht onderzoek, goed te documenteren, door verwachtingsmodellen te creëren en door regelgevingen en ontwikkelingsplannen op deze verwachtingsmodellen aan te passen. Geen van deze stappen is tot nu toe echter ondernomen, wat gedeeltelijk aan een gebrek aan informatie over deze relatief lastig te bereiken gebieden te danken is. Om dit te veranderen is een verwachtingskaart voor de archeologische trefkans hard nodig. Voor het ontwikkelen hiervan is kennis vereist over zowel depositionele als post-depositionele processen die tot de accumulatie van het huidige bodemarchief hebben geleid. Deze scriptie is een eerste poging om deze verschillende processen samen in één kader te brengen en hieruit een archeologische trefkans te berekenen voor de maritieme gebieden langs de Nederlandse Noordzeekust. Allereerst is de verwachting gegeven van plaatsen waar mensen in de late prehistorie gewoond hebben en als een resultaat hiervan artefacten opzettelijk en onopzettelijk zullen hebben gedeponeerd. De belangrijkste van deze gebieden zijn gelegen rond het huidige Zeeland, de westkust van Nederland en West-Friesland. Vervolgens is de mogelijke conservering van deze vondsten onderzocht op basis van geologische processen in dit gebied, aangezien deze van alle post-depositionele processen op deze schaal duidelijk de grootste invloed hebben gehad. Hieruit blijkt dat even buiten de Zeelandse kust en langs de westkust van Nederland de hoogste trefkansen zijn voor het vinden van artefacten uit de late prehistorie, zij het nederzettings- dan wel scheepvaartgerelateerd. De eerste stap in het beschermen van ons archeologisch erfgoed onder water is gezet en het is te hopen dat de Nederlandse archeologie in staat zal zijn om onderzoek in deze richting voort te zetten.Show less
In this thesis one of the most exceptional aspects of Upper-Palaeolithic art is discussed, namely the occurrence and meaning of therianthropes, human-animal hybrids. Their first undisputed...Show moreIn this thesis one of the most exceptional aspects of Upper-Palaeolithic art is discussed, namely the occurrence and meaning of therianthropes, human-animal hybrids. Their first undisputed occurrence started in the Aurignacian (40-28 ky), which happened to coincide with the arrival of AMH in Europe. After this point, therianthropes are found throughout the entire human history, in a wide variety of worldwide cultures. What makes them so appealing is not just their ambiguous visual nature, but in particular their enigmatic meaning and the different ways they are perceived. Already since the early days of therianthrope research, their meaning has aroused much debate. Interpretations of l'art pour l'art, totemism, hunting magic and means of communication have passed the review. A widely professed theory is the shamanistic interpretation, put forward by South-African scholar David Lewis-Williams. He proposed that therianthropes were hybrid creatures seen by shamans during the last stage of a trance, in which all sorts of visions would merge with each other. In recent years the neurocognitive approach has gained many followers: this theory applies cognitive neuroscience to evolutionary cognitive archaeology. This in order to interpret specific patterns of archaeological evidence, in terms of the cognition of those who produced it and the evolutionary occurrence of specific features of human cognition. According to the proponents of this model, therianthropes are a classical example of the capabilities of the modern mind, that is able to merge two or more separate abstract concepts into one. All necessary components of this ability are believed to have evolved over thousands of years and probably started in H. heidelbergensis. Both theories have some appeal, yet they remain close to impossible to prove, because it is so hard to make inferences about the state of mind of Palaeolithic people and their intentions behind the production of enigmatic creatures such as therianthropes.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to study the function of prehistoric hearths and to take the first step in creating guidelines for the excavation, sampling and analysis of prehistoric hearths. Although...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to study the function of prehistoric hearths and to take the first step in creating guidelines for the excavation, sampling and analysis of prehistoric hearths. Although the study of hearths and their function can provide valuable information about past human behaviour there appear to be no real guidelines available for this type of research. This results in loss of valuable information and possible misinterpretation of hearths. Part 1 of this thesis gives an introduction of various aspects of hearths, such as their origins, their forms and functions, different types of fuel and some analysis methods that can be applied to study them. Part 2 consists of a case study of a hearth from the French middle Neolithic site Trinité-sur-Mer. For this study one of the 15 hearths present at the site was analysed in order to determine its function. For this purpose reflectance analysis carried out on the charcoal fragments from three different samples from the hearth in order to get an idea of the temperatures that were reached in the hearth. Some specific choices regarding the manner of sampling and processing the samples were made and phytolith analysis was carried out to determine whether these choices resulted in as little damage and loss of material as possible. It was found that the choices made within this study had the desired effect. Furthermore the reflectance analysis and fuel determination showed that the hearth from Trinité-sur-Mer probably was a domestic hearth fuelled with wood of Quercus sp. and reached temperatures of at least 400 °C.Show less
