Doel van deze scriptie is de relatie tussen rock art en het landschap in de bronstijd te onderzoeken. Rock art is een geschikt medium voor een bredere studie naar de prehistorische samenleving en...Show moreDoel van deze scriptie is de relatie tussen rock art en het landschap in de bronstijd te onderzoeken. Rock art is een geschikt medium voor een bredere studie naar de prehistorische samenleving en de bewoning en het gebruik van het landschap. De regio Bohuslän in Zweden is als onderzoeksgebied gekozen daar er zich een grote concentratie rock art bevindt en er zeer gedetailleerde, recente onderzoeken beschikbaar zijn. Het rock art onderzoek in Bohuslän is van oudsher, maar zelfs tot op de dag van vandaag, geregeerd door het aardse paradigma. De laatste jaren is er een begin gemaakt met het vestigen van een nieuw maritiem kader. De meest voorkomende figuratieve motieven in Bohuslän zijn petrogliefen van boten. Het lijkt er op dat die op een betekenisvolle locatie aan de kust liggen. Ze wijken sterk af van de rock art uit de omgeving. De grootste rock art sites met de meeste afbeeldingen van boten zijn in de nabijheid van de kust gelokaliseerd, terwijl rock art sites met afbeeldingen van grote mensfiguren zich op de hoger gelegen gebieden bevinden. Zou het om een locatie kunnen gaan waar de lokale elite zijn reizen begon? De onderzoekers zijn het er over eens dat de samenleving in de bronstijd de vorm van een “chiefdom” heeft. Er zijn echter vele verschillende vormen van een “chiefdom”, van sterk hiërarchisch tot meer egalitair. De rock art kan ons een aanwijzing geven over de mate van hiërarchie binnen de “chiefdoms” en daarmee de sociale structuur van de samenleving in Bohuslän.Show less
In 1975 plans were made for a recreational park east of Wijchen. During the research of the area, it became clear that this place was of great archaeological interest. So it was decided that...Show moreIn 1975 plans were made for a recreational park east of Wijchen. During the research of the area, it became clear that this place was of great archaeological interest. So it was decided that excavation was necessary. The excavation commenced in spring 1976 and took several years. During the excavation two house plans were identified and great quantities of pottery collected. Unfortunately, there has been no documentation in the thirty years since the excavation with exception of site plans. Therefore there is a great shortage of information. In the past years some students did some thesis-research on the subject of Wijchen-Berendonck and they discovered that this site contained mainly Iron Age material. The houses have been dated to Early and Middle Iron Age as well. In this thesis a small part in the northwest of the site is studied. At this part of the site only two structures are evident: two small barns. The focus of this thesis is on the pottery found in four large pits. The results of this research indicate that the material is from the Iron Age also and so it is suspected that the collection also contains Early and Middle period. However this is not clear enough, which is due to the lack of information and documentation. To achieve more clearance in this project we need to wait for the research results of masterstudent Marloes Luijten, who is studying the rest of the site at the moment.Show less
From the site Seru Boca on Curaçao where archeological research was conducted by the Faculty of Archeology of the University of Leiden, the Netherlands, charcoal from a hearth place was brought to...Show moreFrom the site Seru Boca on Curaçao where archeological research was conducted by the Faculty of Archeology of the University of Leiden, the Netherlands, charcoal from a hearth place was brought to the botanical laboratory. In order to analyse the relationship of the people who lit the fire with their environment, charcoal determination is conducted in this report. The relevance of charcoal investigation is addressed and for determination, sixteen recent samples were compared with the archeological charcoal and morphological features were looked at. Several approaches towards the choice of wood are noted; not only the suitability, determined by ecophysical and mechanical properties and availibity is looked at, but also ethnographical usage of species is briefly addressed. Concerning the determination, it was established that the species found, Laguncularia racemosa, was present in the vegetation between 1415 and 1648, in which period the archeological charcoal remains were carbon dated.Show less
This paper investigates the Wartberg-Stein-Vlaardingen-complex as proposed by Louwe Kooijmans (1983) A systematic comparison was made of chronology, pottery, burial rituals, settlements, and...Show moreThis paper investigates the Wartberg-Stein-Vlaardingen-complex as proposed by Louwe Kooijmans (1983) A systematic comparison was made of chronology, pottery, burial rituals, settlements, and subsistence of these three cultural groups. Stein and Vlaardingen show many similarities in pottery which lead to the suggestion that they might have been one cultural phenomenon, with Stein being the dry component and Vlaardingen the wet component. However, this disregards the differences in other aspects of material culture. The Wartberg-culture is geographically far apart and show some important differences. The main conclusion of this paper is that there is not enough common ground for the Wartberg-Stein-Vlaardingen-complex set apart from other middle and late neolithic cultures in Western Europe. The relations of the Wartberg-culture with Stein- and Vlaardingen-group are not as close as propesed by Louwe Kooijmans (1983).Show less
This thesis presents the first compilation of almost all of the available information on dogs in the Caribbean in order to provide insight into the social role of the dog in Pre-Columbian Caribbean...Show moreThis thesis presents the first compilation of almost all of the available information on dogs in the Caribbean in order to provide insight into the social role of the dog in Pre-Columbian Caribbean societies. This compilation consists of data from the Caribbean archaeological record (with the Early Ceramic Age component of the site Morel (300 B.C. – A.D. 400), Guadeloupe, as a case study) and is supported by information from Caribbean ethnohistoric accounts and analogous South American ethnographies. From these multidisciplinary sources it becomes evident that while there are many problems associated with the research focused on dogs within Pre-Columbian Caribbean Archaeology, there are some general conclusions that can be made. Remains or representations of the dog have been found in almost every island of the Caribbean, with the oldest dog remains dating to the Archaic Age. The dog’s presence in the archaeological record becomes significant from the Early Ceramic Age onward, when the first burials and ceramic representations are found. Dogs might have been buried as an offering, out of personal reverence of the animal or as a guide for the souls of the dead. Similar ideas of the dog as a protector and mediator of the border between the worlds of the living and the dead exist in many cultures across the world. There are also several parallels between burials of humans and dogs in both the Caribbean and in Europe. In the Caribbean dogs were also totemic and cultural symbols, whose representations and skeletal or dental elements might have been as important as their burials. From the available evidence it can be concluded that the social role of the dog in the Caribbean probably consisted of the dog as a family member, as well as a (hunting) companion or guide (whether in life or in death). The attention commonly lavished on dogs in mortuary contexts suggests that dogs are about as close to being considered a person as a non-human animal can be.Show less
The use of style occurred very early in archaeology. It is used still today to determine specific proveniences for archaeological objects. A lot of problems tend to occur when trying to determine a...Show moreThe use of style occurred very early in archaeology. It is used still today to determine specific proveniences for archaeological objects. A lot of problems tend to occur when trying to determine a provenience for objects in a region where cultural interaction played a major role. These problems contain questions such as whether culture is recognizable through similarities and differences in small details and whether a style is really specific for a certain culture or region. These and other problems are the central theme of this thesis and these are being analysed with the help of a case study. This case study focuses on finding the place of manufacture of the ritual Mesoamerican book called Codex Borgia. The specific questions that stand central in this thesis are: which theories have been created about the origin of the Codex Borgia and how did the researchers interpret data for this research question? Furthermore, does finding a place of manufacture for the Codex Borgia give us new insights for further research in this area? Five of the many theories concerning this topic have been analysed here. It has been concluded that a couple of the researchers have been focussing on style-culture relations which tend to reveal little about a specific place of manufacture. This is due to the fact that similarities in this style, called the Mixteca-Puebla style, have been found over a large region. It is argued in this thesis that on the basis of style alone a specific region or place cannot be identified. That is why it has been argued that other sources should be used as well such as the content of the book. It has also been argued that we should not focus on trying to find a more specific place of manufacture for the Codex Borgia because it would not give us useful information on which further research can be based. We should not look for big differences in cultures as well, especially in a region where cultural interaction is dominant. Rather, we should focus on trying to understand this interaction and how it came to be.Show less
De Bandkeramische vindplaats Maastricht-Belvédère 1988 ligt op een middenplateau op de Caberg in Limburg. Alhoewel de Caberg geografisch gezien dichterbij de Heeswatercluster ligt, lijkt de...Show moreDe Bandkeramische vindplaats Maastricht-Belvédère 1988 ligt op een middenplateau op de Caberg in Limburg. Alhoewel de Caberg geografisch gezien dichterbij de Heeswatercluster ligt, lijkt de Bandkeramische bewoning van de Caberg in verschillende aspecten beter aan te sluiten bij de Bandkeramische bewoning van de Graetheidecluster. De Bandkeramische vindplaatsen van de Caberg worden gedateerd in de fasen 1C t/m 2D, waarbij de nadruk ligt op bewoning in de fasen 1C/1D. De vindplaatsen zijn daarnaast allen slechts één à twee fasen bewoond. Bovendien hebben ze een relatief lage spreiding van sporen. Deze kenmerken gelden ook voor de Bandkeramische vindplaats Maastricht-Belvédère 1988, wat het idee versterkt dat de Bandkeramische bewoning van de Caberg beter past bij de Bandkeramische bewoning van de Graetheidecluster, dan bij die van de Heeswatercluster.Show less
Tijdens de Vroege Bronstijd bestonden er handelsnetwerken die zich uitstrekten over het Middellandse Zeegebied, Zuidoost-Europa en West-Azie. Troje in Noordwest-Anatolie en Poliochni op Lemnos...Show moreTijdens de Vroege Bronstijd bestonden er handelsnetwerken die zich uitstrekten over het Middellandse Zeegebied, Zuidoost-Europa en West-Azie. Troje in Noordwest-Anatolie en Poliochni op Lemnos maakten deel uit van deze handelsnetwerken. In deze periode doken er voor het eerst veel fijngemaakte sieraden op, waaronder de 'basket-shaped' oorbellen. Zo zijn er een aantal zeer rijke schatten met 'basket-shaped' oorbellen zowel in Troje als Poliochni gevonden. Deze gouden oorbellen laten een vergevorderde kennis van goudbewerking zien en een beheersing van een grote diversiteit aan technieken. De oorsprong van de vele technieken gebruikt in de 'basket-shaped' oorbellen, en de parallellen die vele objecten uit hun vondst-contexten in de verre omgevingen vinden, geven aan dat de edelsmeedkunst van Troje en Poliochni invloeden van buitenaf kende. Het lijkt echter onwaarschijnlijk dat een rechtstreekse route Troje en Poliochni met Mesopotamie verbond. Hoewel vaak aangenomen wordt dat de 'basket-shaped' oorbellen dit wel suggereren, is de verspreiding van 'basket-shaped' oorbellen juist opvallend beperkt tot de omgeving van Troje, vier voorbeelden uit Eskiyapar, Noordwest-Anatolie, daargelaten. Het is aannemelijk dat Troje en Poliochni in de Vroege Bronstijd deel uitmaakten van een handelsnetwerk dat zich strekte van het Egeische gebied tot aan Mesopotamie (en mogelijk nog verder), echter niet via directe wegen maar door connecties tussen 'handelsgebieden' die elkaar overlapten en onderling aan uitwisseling deden. Zo konden ideeen, grondstoffen en objecten zich over grote afstanden verspreiden. De contacten, die waarschijnlijk al lang bestonden, werden intensiever door de zoektocht naar grondstoffen en technieken bij de intrede van de metallurgie. De locatie van Troje en Poliochni was een belangrijke factor voor het ontstaan van de schatten en de 'basket-shaped' oorbellen daarin. De twee nederzettingen, vooral Troje, hadden niet alleen een goede aansluiting op de belangrijkste handelsroutes van Centraal-Anatolie en maritieme contacten met het Egeische gebied, maar ook contacten over de Zwarte Zee en een goede beschikbaarheid van metalen. Hierdoor kon er in Troje en Poliochni een sociale elite opstaan en een rijke metaalindustrie opbloeien waarin edelsmeden, die zich onder andere door Mesopotamische sieraden lieten inspireren, hun eigen stijl in sieraden konden ontwikkelen.Show less
In today's world, I feel that archaeologists often overlook the influence they have on society and identity through the popular representations of their findings. As these representations are often...Show moreIn today's world, I feel that archaeologists often overlook the influence they have on society and identity through the popular representations of their findings. As these representations are often beyond the control of archaeologists, they run the risk of giving the people an image of the past that is simplified and/or full of speculation. This in turn can lead to (and has led to, both in past and present) political misuse of archaeology. Through a lesser studied case-study in the field of Japanese archaeology, the protohistoric Kofun era and its haniwa clay figurines, this paper aims to create an awareness of how the way we represent our finds influences the identity of a society, both on a small scale and on a national scale, and how we can gauge this influence by looking at a nation's popular culture and art. In this I will focus specifically on the popular representations in archaeological parks and festivals and on how to find the influence of these representations in popular culture and art. As I find out during my research it is certainly possible to see an influence of archaeology in popular culture. Unfortunately the question remains if this is really an influence of the way archaeology is represented, or merely a matter of taste and interest of the artist. One might argue though that if a lot of artists like using these archaeological images this in itself could be a visible influence of the impact of archaeological representations. Either way it appears that more research is needed in this field.Show less
This thesis is about the opinion of developers about archaeological research and the archaeological law and regulatory. The changes started after the signature of the Pact of Valletta, which should...Show moreThis thesis is about the opinion of developers about archaeological research and the archaeological law and regulatory. The changes started after the signature of the Pact of Valletta, which should protect the archaeological soil archive in Europe and encourage spreading the knowledge about archaeology to the public. Since 1999 it was possible for commercial archaeological enterprises to obtain a digging license and in 2007 the new monument regulation was implemented in The Netherlands. This was the beginning of a new era for the archaeologists. It means that when developers disturb the archaeological soil archive, they are obligated to pay for the archaeological research. This regulation provided a lot jobs and security for the conservation of the archaeological information and there are several enterprises that are specialized in public archaeology. All benefits, but what does the developer who pays all this feels about it? Five developers were interviewed on the subject and they all say it is a good thing this regulation is implemented and archaeological research has become a part of the process of development. The negative side of archaeological research is that it is unpredictable in terms of money and time. Besides this risk the product of archaeological research is not very useful for the developers. They would like to see more in return for their investment, for example through the media attention. When an archaeological find is published in a paper, they could mention the name of the developers if he cooperates well with the archaeologists. This would provide archaeology with an extra value for the developer.Show less
On the Syrian archaeological site Tell Sabi Abyad extensive traces of reed phytoliths and imprints have been found during the excavation seasons 2008 and 2009. These silica imprints can be...Show moreOn the Syrian archaeological site Tell Sabi Abyad extensive traces of reed phytoliths and imprints have been found during the excavation seasons 2008 and 2009. These silica imprints can be allocated stratigraphically to either one of the Early Ceramic Neolithic levels A-4A and A-4B, dating to approximately 6400 calBC. The reed phytoliths and imprints are often accompanied with impressions of branches or beams. The role and function of the reed and beam impressions is unclear, forming for instance either a roof of the level A-4B buildings, or a foundation layer of the level A-4B structures. Both allocations are problematic, as the roofs would have covered buildings with an average height of approximately 80 centimetres, while the occurrence of beams in foundation layers - as opposed to the use of reed - seems without ethnographic parallels. When confronting an assessment of the excavation data regarding reed silica imprints and beam impressions with architectural and ethnographical hypotheses, the possible role and function of the reed and beams is clarified. Through a process of eliminating non-viable hypotheses a clear picture emerges: the reed and beams can only be interpreted as being a part of the foundation layer of level A-4A, constructed after the levelling of the remains of the previous level A-4B.Show less
The analysis of the Ptolemaic and Greco-Bactrian coins has showed that the symbols on the coins are partly Hellenistic, but partly typical of Ptolemaic Egypt as well. There are some similarities...Show moreThe analysis of the Ptolemaic and Greco-Bactrian coins has showed that the symbols on the coins are partly Hellenistic, but partly typical of Ptolemaic Egypt as well. There are some similarities between the Ptolemaic and Bactrian coins. The coins usually show a prince or princess on the obverse side with several royal or divine attributes, and a god or goddess on the reverse side. Although there are similarities, there are many discontinuities as well with regard to the iconography. Discontinuities are found between the coins of the ruling princes themselves, but also between the coins of the two Hellenistic kingdoms, Ptolemaic Egypt and Bactria, in general. Depending on the popularity of the prince or his power, on ruler is portrayed with certain symbols and the other with other or less symbols. Thus, not every prince is depicted with the aegis of Zeus or with the trident of Poseidon. It seems that certain symbols had to be earned and that’s why there isn’t a standard applied to all Ptolemaic coins. The Bactrian coins confirmed this theory. When the Ptolemaic coins are analyzed and compared with the Bactrian coins there are differences and similarities to be discovered as well. The iconography of a coin seems to have been influenced by the local culture and the degree of integration between different cultures. Bactrian coins showed similar symbols as the Ptolemaic coins. For that reason there can be argued that there is a standard for the iconography applied to both the Hellenistic kingdoms. When you compare the Ptolemaic coins with our currency, the euro, you can see that the euro is a Dutch currency, but a European currency as well. This is how the Dutch look at the euro, as a Dutch coin and as a European coin. The Ptolemaic coin is a typical Ptolemaic coin with typical culture defined symbols, but also a Hellenistic coin, with symbols similar to the Bactrian coins.Show less
De belangrijkste conclusie die getrokken kan worden over het cultuurcontact tussen de Grieken en de Egyptenaren in de vroeg Ptolemaeïsche periode in Egypte is dat dit contact wederzijds was. Het...Show moreDe belangrijkste conclusie die getrokken kan worden over het cultuurcontact tussen de Grieken en de Egyptenaren in de vroeg Ptolemaeïsche periode in Egypte is dat dit contact wederzijds was. Het waren niet alleen de Grieken die de Egyptenaren beïnvloedde, maar ook andersom. Wie invloed had op de ander wordt vaak gebaseerd op de context waarin een object is teruggevonden. Dit is goed aan te tonen door Alexandrië als case-study te onderzoeken binnenin Ptolemaeïsch Egypte. Hier heeft de Egyptische cultuur de Griekse cultuur beïnvloed. Onder andere door de kult van Serapis en de Egyptische beelden die gevonden zijn in de stad. Niet alleen in Alexandrië is de Griekse materiële cultuur beïnvloed door de Egyptische, ook op veel Griekse beelden is deze invloed aan te treffen. Vaak waren de Griekse beelden uit Egyptische materiaal gemaakt of bezaten ze nog een steunpilaar. De 1e drie Ptolemaeïsche koningen lieten zichzelf bovendien afbeelden als farao’s in plaats van Griekse vorsten, omdat ze het land bleven regeren zoals de farao’s voor hen ook hadden gedaan. Ook lieten ze de lokale structuur intact, waarin de priesters van de Egyptische tempels een belangrijke rol speelden. Griekse invloed op de Egyptische cultuur is onder andere terug te vinden in tempels. In grote lijnen zijn de Egyptische tempels hetzelfde gebleven, zoals hun plattegrond, maar zijn details wel veranderd, zoals de kapitelen. Ook in de economie zijn er veranderingen doorgevoerd. De belangrijkste verandering in de economie was het invoeren van munten. Op deze munten werden de Ptolemaeën wel afgebeeld als Griekse leiders. In de religie waren ook wederzijdse invloeden. De Grieken gingen hun pantheon verbinden met de Egyptische en er ontstond een nieuwe god uit twee Egyptische goden: Serapis. De koninginnen en koningen kregen een grotere status binnen de Egyptische cultuur, want vanaf de cultus van Arsinoë II werden ze gedurende hun leven en dood vereerd als goden. Er heeft dus integratie plaatsgevonden en dit geeft aan dat de term Hellenisatie niet toepasbaar is op Egypte, want het is niet zo dat alleen de Grieken invloed hebben gehad op de Egyptenaren; het was een wisselwerking. De term ‘Ptolemaeïsering’ is dus meer op zijn plaats.Show less
In this bachelor thesis I investigate whether Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour or not. I established three hypotheses: 1) Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour where males hunt...Show moreIn this bachelor thesis I investigate whether Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour or not. I established three hypotheses: 1) Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour where males hunt and females gather plant foods and perform other activities, 2) Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour where males and females hunt but males perform the most dangerous tasks, 3) there was no sexual division of labour and males and females hunted and gathered in equal amounts. To find out if Neanderthals had a sexual division of labour, a meta-study of two osteological analyses applied to Neanderthal bones was performed. The first methods that was used was a comparison of the shape and robusticity of male and female Neanderthal limb bones compared to samples of modern human huntergatherers and sedentary populations. Secondly the distribution of trauma across the skeletons of male and female Neanderthals was compared. In both of the analyses the evidence pointed towards the first hypothesis. The evidence however was too limited. The small sample size of sexable Neanderthals was the largest issue. I concluded that according to the data gathered in this thesis hypothesis 1 is the most likely. However, none of the three hypotheses can be rejected confidently due to the limited evidence.Show less
The discovery of remains of a lion in the Gran Dolina cave (Atapuerca, Spain) with pronounced signs of butchering makes one wonder why hominids would want to hunt for a large carnivore without...Show moreThe discovery of remains of a lion in the Gran Dolina cave (Atapuerca, Spain) with pronounced signs of butchering makes one wonder why hominids would want to hunt for a large carnivore without projectile weapons. These lion remains are special, but not unique in the Middle and Upper Palaeolithic of Europe. Traces of hunting for lions and wolves are present at a limited number of sites, and procurement of brown bear and cave bear is widespread. In this paper I explore a costly signalling explanation for hunting on these large carnivores. The costly signalling theory states that animals can use signalling to show a quality that is otherwise not easily observed. If the signal is truly costly, this guarantees a level of honesty and receivers of the signal can benefit by responding to it. In our hominid case, strong men can show their hunting quality by engaging in risky hunts for large carnivores. Observing females will then preferentially mate with those males and competitors will be deterred. Anthropological studies apply costly signalling theory to explain deviations from the expected patterns of optimal foraging theory. I will discuss an anthropological case study and then return to the archaeological situation to asses the value of costly signalling for hunting for large carnivores in the European Palaeolithic. Showing the results of signalling in the archaeological record is difficult, but indirect observations can be used. The main value of costly signalling theory lies in its ability to explain economically unexpected behaviour and in introducing sexual selection to European Palaeolithic archaeology.Show less
By research of ‘occupational stress markers’ (markers on the skeleton which appear during life because of repeated acts), archaeologists have learned a lot about the lifestyle of people from the...Show moreBy research of ‘occupational stress markers’ (markers on the skeleton which appear during life because of repeated acts), archaeologists have learned a lot about the lifestyle of people from the past. Since the beginning of the last century a lot of research has been done on these markers of occupational stress. However there is also a lot of uncertainty and disagreement about the research on these markers. For example, there are several different terms in literature which are meaning approximately all the same, there are different scoringsystems in use and not every study takes the non-mechanical factors, which can play a role by the appearance of the markers, into account. This study is showing how an occupational stress marker exactly appears, which factors are necessary for this and which other factors (like body size and age) also can play a role in the appearance. I also give examples of the activities we can derive from the markers and the reliability of these results. I give a review of the different scoringsystems which are used today, as well. Herewith I come to an overview about what occupational stress markers, and related terms, exactly are. About what archaeologists can do with it. About the reliability of the results. And what the most recent opinions are, researches take today about these markers of occupational stress.Show less
In the 1970’s, Flannery established household archaeology as a legitimate subfield in archaeology with his book The Early Mesoamerican Village (1976). He implemented new scientific methods for...Show moreIn the 1970’s, Flannery established household archaeology as a legitimate subfield in archaeology with his book The Early Mesoamerican Village (1976). He implemented new scientific methods for analyzing past households. His ideas and methods had far-reaching impact on archaeological methodology, and would significantly change the field of household archaeology in Mesoamerica. His methods of excavation form the basis of every research on households in archaeology, regardless of its theoretical background. Not all his ideas stood the test of time, however, and in recent years there has been a growing range of research perspectives. Processual ideas about the universal, rationally explainable nature of human society have been increasingly criticized with the growing importance of social theory in archaeology. The focus of household archaeology shifted from the organization of daily life to the ideas, the symbolic dimension behind that organization. The different approaches have their flaws. The rational nature of human culture may be strongly relativized, and therefore it would be unproductive to study past societies from that perspective, since interpretations could be erroneous and we would miss out on a wide range of aspects of the cultures studied. However, there are so far no universally valid methods for studying symbolic aspects, memory and worldview in past societies. It is important that biological, behavioral and symbolic aspects of societies in their context all have a place in the investigation of households, so that a complete picture of past cultures may emerge. Perspectives on how societies work, and therefore on what the focus of research could and should be are evolving constantly with the developing of new techniques and perspectives in other fields of human sciences. Perhaps the most important thing in our research of past cultures is the meticulous registration of data and of our reasoning, theoretical perspectives and interpretations, so that further research can build on it in order to develop our knowledge of past societies.Show less
Portugal started trading with the Tupi-Indians in Brazil from 1500 AD, followed by the French in 1503 AD. The Portuguese had a more professional approach in this then the French. The French showed,...Show morePortugal started trading with the Tupi-Indians in Brazil from 1500 AD, followed by the French in 1503 AD. The Portuguese had a more professional approach in this then the French. The French showed, in contrast to the Portuguese, interest in the Indian culture. Portugal started colonising Brazil in 1532 AD, followed by the French in 1555 AD. The Tupinikin Indians helped the Portuguese building colonies, but later the Tupinikin revolted. For long Pernambuco remained the most successful colony of the Portuguese, despite the growing importance of the colony Bahia, founded in 1549 AD, in which the royal government was seated. With help of the Tupinikin, the Tupinambá Indians were driven out of Bahia. They gave the Tupinikin a second chance by settling them, together with the slaves, in the missionary villages. The French found Rio de Janeiro and the stronghold Antarctic France in 1555 AD. The colonists maintained a healthy relation with the local Tamoio-Indians. In 1560 AD Mem de Sá and his army, under which many Tupinambá males, took over both settlements. In 1604 AD, the French found Maranhao, without breaking their relationship with the Tamoio tribe. They were eager in converting the Indians to Christianity. Maranhão was taken over by the Portuguese in 1615. For France, the colonization of Brazil had come to an end. From the early seventeenth century the Dutch began trading along the Brazilian coast and during the 1620s AD they became serious competitors of the Portuguese. The West-Indian Company took hold of several Portuguese colonies. In 1628 AD they intercepted the Spanish treasure fleet, which filled up the Dutch treasury. The WIC was able to undertake new expeditions in which they took hold of Olinda and Recife, both former Portuguese colonies. In 1636 AD Johan Maurits improved the social relations between the soldiers, civilians and slaves. Indians were treated with respect. Councils took place in which the Dutch and the Portuguese discussed the many conflicts between them. Hereby their relationship improved, however fights over colonies did still occur. Recife became the company’s most important colony during the seventeenth century.Show less
