The Japanese government responded to successive natural disasters by passing the 2013 disaster resilience law, which placed more responsibility on local governments to deal with natural disasters....Show moreThe Japanese government responded to successive natural disasters by passing the 2013 disaster resilience law, which placed more responsibility on local governments to deal with natural disasters. Although this law intended to improve and safeguard people’s well-being after natural disasters, it exacerbated it. This thesis examines two case studies, the 2016 Kumamoto Earthquakes and the 2020 Kyushu Floods, to examine the law’s effects. The case studies show that delegating to the local level leaves out essential aspects for feasible aims for effective disaster management to improve human-wellbeing. The governmental system remains rigid with neoliberal characteristics and omits the possibility of effective disaster response and recovery efforts. The current Japanese disaster management does not allow for innovation, quick decision-making, adequate funding and close cooperation for the short-term and long-term. As a result, the sociopolitical vulnerabilities become more apparent during disaster response exacerbating human-wellbeing. Japanese citizens have limited access to mental health services, remain in temporary housing for extended periods, and have reconstruction issues. Local communities struggle with a future without prospects.Show less
This thesis explored the role of the Chinese business community during two periods of heightened tension in Sino-Japanese relations, the 2005 history textbook controversy and the 2012 Diaoyu...Show moreThis thesis explored the role of the Chinese business community during two periods of heightened tension in Sino-Japanese relations, the 2005 history textbook controversy and the 2012 Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute. Sino-Japanese relations are often described as having ‘warm’ economic relations, but ‘cold’ political relations. While some scholars argued these relations can coexist without influencing each other, recent studies show that political tensions between China and Japan can also impact economic relations. Because of this, this thesis expected the Chinese business community to attempt to influence the government during periods of heightened Sino-Japanese tension. After an analysis of the voice of governmental actors and the business community in government publications and media sources published around the time of the 2005 and 2012 anti-Japanese protests, this thesis concludes that 1) Chinese businesses attach considerable importance to Sino-Japanese political disputes and in some cases attach more importance to these disputes than financial gain, 2) There is no clear evidence that public attempts to influence the government were made during these two periods.Show less
The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC’s) growing economic power has been frequently linked with its growing political and military power. Academic articles and Indian newspapers interpret China’s...Show moreThe People’s Republic of China’s (PRC’s) growing economic power has been frequently linked with its growing political and military power. Academic articles and Indian newspapers interpret China’s Maritime Silk Road (MSR) policy in threatening and in a non-threatening ways. The dominant discourse interprets the MSR from realist (strategic competition) and liberalist (economic cooperation) perspectives. However, the picture is not as clear-cut as it seems: the literature lacks a constructivist and poststructuralist approach. This paper attempts to fill this gap and considers the study of media representations as an important tool for understanding international relations and the promotion of foreign policy in India. It uses a poststructuralist discourse analysis as a method in the case study on the ‘China threat’ and MSR discourse in four online Indian newspapers. In line with French poststructuralist Foucault, it demonstrates the importance of discourse, identity, knowledge and power. The discursive construction of China as Other in the Indian media is based on historical identity formations. Identity is at the heart the ‘China threat’ discursive foundations: the ‘String of Pearls’ (SOP), India’s neighborhood, China-Pakistan relations and the ongoing Sino-Indian border dispute. In representing the ‘truth’ about the MSR as a future threat to India, the Indian media fails to address China’s participation in global anti-piracy missions. The ‘China threat’ discourse is produced and reproduced for India to domestically implement a strong strategic IOR policy, to invest in the army, and transnationally to deepen diplomatic ties with neighboring IOR countries and to establish a security alignment with the US and Japan.Show less
