The topic on LGBT rights in China is a very sensitive one. The Chinese government’s policy towards homosexuality is believed to be “three no’s”: “No approval; no disapproval; no promotion.” While...Show moreThe topic on LGBT rights in China is a very sensitive one. The Chinese government’s policy towards homosexuality is believed to be “three no’s”: “No approval; no disapproval; no promotion.” While the Chinese Ministry of Health no longer has homosexuality on its list of mental illnesses since 2001, it is still not openly discussed in China and not an issue that the Chinese governments deems as something that needs to be discussed at a national level. This paper will endeavour to answer the following question: How can gay and lesbian NGOs in China attempt to encourage the Chinese government to safeguard the rights of gays and lesbians through the law-making process? This paper will use as an example environmental NGOs to examine what kind of strategies and resources they have utilized to engage into political territory, and how gay and lesbian NGOs can use the same strategies and resources to do the same. Because the issues gay and lesbian NGOs engage themselves in, it will be difficult for them to persuade the Chinese government to form policies regarding the protective rights of gays and lesbians in China, unless they are able to convince government officials to sponsor them and argue that protecting the rights of homosexuals will be more beneficial for the government than if they do not.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to find out if China’s efforts to assimilate Tibet by implementing a strict tourism policy are genuinely intended to value local culture or if the introduction of...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to find out if China’s efforts to assimilate Tibet by implementing a strict tourism policy are genuinely intended to value local culture or if the introduction of tourism in Tibet merely is a government tool to provide the urban middle-class Han Chinese with a ‘natural theme park’ regardless of the environmental and/or cultural impact. The latter hypothesis is generally being supported by western critics, the former being a widely accepted statement in China (excluding its autonomous regions) and pro-Chinese elsewhere. As is the case with many Chinese state policies, their true intentions are debatable which I aspire to settle. To assess this, I have critically examined both theories in relation to projects and practices in the Tibetan tourism industry led by the Chinese government. Tourism nowadays comprises a spectrum of categories. Not every type of tourism is applicable to Tibet or simply has not set foot on Tibetan soil, so it is important to determine which tourism types are to be found, which ones are popular and which ones have potential. Therefore, categorizing the types of tourism in Tibet, which will be judged by the popularity among domestic tourists, have provided a basis in terms of scope. Other essential aspects, such as target audience, decisions by the Chinese government of when to invest in tourism projects and with what reasons, have been looked at extensively. Tourism-oriented projects and tourism-related implementations of roughly the last thirty years have been analyzed separately as case-studies, within the frame of three prominent types of domestic tourism in Tibet, Nature-based tourism, Active tourism and Cultural Tourism, in order to redefine the aforementioned aspects. This study found out that there is a significant inconsistency in government claims regarding Tibetan tourism policies. Although profound conclusions are beyond the bounds of possibility, a clear trend in rephrasing and/or radical change of reasoning in why the state invests in multimillion dollar Tibetan tourism projects may indicate China’s true intentions of exploiting the Tibetan land. Furthermore, this thesis increases our understanding of the term ‘invented tourism’, tourism-related implementations in Tibet and the general focus of the Chinese government in regard to tourism project investment.Show less
Cross-strait relations (the relation between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China) have not always been stable. On16 January 2016, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the...Show moreCross-strait relations (the relation between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China) have not always been stable. On16 January 2016, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the elections in Taiwan and candidate Tsai Ing-wen became the new president of the Republic of China. Officially, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) still favours eventual independence for Taiwan, while the previous ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT) favours eventual re-unification (Tiezzie, 2015). The relations between the DPP and the Chine Communist Party (CCP) have not been stable since the last ruling period of the DPP in 2000 and 2008. In 2008, Ma Ying-jeou was elected as president of Taiwan and has sought to improve relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC), mainly through economic agreements. This strategy was not that easily accepted by the Taiwanese people. In 2014 students occupied the Taiwanese parliament and protested against China’s growing influence on Taiwan. This protest was called the “Sunflower Movement” (Rowen, 2015, p.6). In the run up to the elections in 2016, Chinese and Taiwanese media were focussing on Tsai Ing-wen and her opinion towards the cross-straits relations. The traditional position of the DDP towards this topic is that “Taiwan is already an independent state and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan” (Democratic Progressive Party, 2007). Tsai Ing wen never fully departed from the party line, but her personal approach is nuanced. Now that the DPP officially has become the ruling party, many people are curious how the CCP will react to this change. The Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO) noted that the CCP will hold on to the 1992 consensus, and that the CCP won’t change its approach towards the ROC due to the elections. The CCP opposes any separatist activities and emphasise the fact that both Taiwan and Mainland China needs to cherish the current situation. However, there are some changes in store for cross-strait relations. Tsai-Ing Wen has not yet accepted the 1992 consensus, but says both sides need to go back to the origins of the consensus and analyse them again (Tiezzie, 2005). In my research paper, I want to further analyse representation of Taiwan’s 2016 election in the People’s Republic of China. I will strongly focus on the ideas and ideals of Tsai Ing-wen towards cross-straits relations. I take a closer look at how these concepts are represented by Chinese newspapers at the time of the elections and how the predict the future of cross-strait relations. In order to do this properly, I will first provide background information on the cross-straits relations. Second, I take a closer look at the election of 2016 in the ROC and at Tsai Ing-wen’s approach towards cross-straits relations. Afterwards I will explain the theory of discourse and my methodology for setting up the analysis. The last step before my analysis will be the selection of newspapers and articles, which is based on theoretical considerations and a time frame that I also discuss in the methodology section. Finally I will draw a conclusion and formulate an answer to my research questionShow less
This thesis aims to examine the link between feminism and nationalism by applying the case of Qiu Jin on to this debate, and to analyze her transformation into a radical reformist, focusing on the...Show moreThis thesis aims to examine the link between feminism and nationalism by applying the case of Qiu Jin on to this debate, and to analyze her transformation into a radical reformist, focusing on the social and political condition that contributed to her revolutionary activities.Show less
The notion of marriage has always been considered an inevitable and indispensable life event. It is the social institution that either formalizes legally or in a religious ceremony the commitments,...Show moreThe notion of marriage has always been considered an inevitable and indispensable life event. It is the social institution that either formalizes legally or in a religious ceremony the commitments, whish or decision of a couple to lead a married life together and probably the promise to establish a family on their own. An old Chinese saying: ‘When boys and girls reach adulthood they should get married’, is a good way to illustrate the average thinking of Chinese society. The importance of marriage has its roots in the Confucian ideology and Chinese are obsessed with it. This refers particularly to the values that are attached to the continuation of the family line and filial piety. Marriage has always been promoted as the establishment of a family as the basic building block of Chinese society. There is very little space for an alternative lifestyle other than a married life; it is the norm in China. Marriage can then be considered as an ultimatum, and disapproves of those who choose to stay single. If you do not marry, you are basically not taken very seriously and considered immature. Outside of marriage are no alternatives easily recognized. Your behavior is labeled as if you are socially irresponsible.So views the Chinese government that severe sex ratio imbalance as a threat to social stability and harmony. In 2007 China’s State council started with a population policy improving the quality of the newborn population. In addition, The ACWF has determined a term; shengnü (剩女 / Leftover women), and was later officially recognized as a term by the Ministry of Education. Since then the government and state media started a campaign to discourage women to stay single or delaying their age of marriage. Women over 27 and single were branded as Leftover women.Show less
In this thesis on Chinese wartime photography, I am interested in learning as much as I can about the different roles that photographs can play in society: as art, documentary or propaganda. I will...Show moreIn this thesis on Chinese wartime photography, I am interested in learning as much as I can about the different roles that photographs can play in society: as art, documentary or propaganda. I will research how the photographs worked in cognitive, social, political, economic and cultural contexts.Show less
Li Yu is known for the diversity and innovative quality of his writings; those works of his which remain to us fall under the categories of informal essays (xiaopin 小品), gastronomical writings, the...Show moreLi Yu is known for the diversity and innovative quality of his writings; those works of his which remain to us fall under the categories of informal essays (xiaopin 小品), gastronomical writings, the preface to the Manual of the Mustard Seed Garden (Jieziyuan huazhuan 芥子園畫傳), the erotic novel The Carnal Prayer Mat (Rouputuan肉蒲團), published under a pseudonym and of disputed authorship though which the general consensus accredits to Li Yu, as well as a number of operas, poems, and several collections of short stories. The focus of my paper will be placed on a selection of short stories from Li Yu's collections The Twelve Towers (Shi'er lou 十二樓) and Operas Without Sound (Wusheng xi 無聲戲), series one and two. I have chosen to focus on short stories, firstly in order to have a wide range of material available for analysis and secondly, as these collections of short stories were written for the public eye they are therefore the medium most likely to contain an intended message. Within these works I will seek to analyze certain aspects of the comedic rhetorical devices used by Li Yu and investigate the effect which these create, maintaining a specific focus on identifying said devices as a means of undermining social norms. I have chosen the term 'undermine' as opposed to 'criticize' as there is an important difference between provoking an audience to think differently, as Li Yu does, as opposed to seeking to reform social systems for which there is no evidence that Li Yu sought to do so.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to provide a comparative insight in benevolence (ren) as a leadership quality. The main focus is on the understanding of ren in the base of Confucianism, after which its...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to provide a comparative insight in benevolence (ren) as a leadership quality. The main focus is on the understanding of ren in the base of Confucianism, after which its keystones are compared to those of Liberalism. In the first part, it focuses on the meaning of ren that can be derived from relevant passages in the Analects of Confucius (the Lunyu). The second part explores its significance as a leadership quality. It ends with a comparative study between these keystones found, and those of liberalism in the broadest sense of the notion.Show less
This paper primarily challenges realists’ viewpoints of Chinese actions during the Diaoyu/Senkaku territorial disputes in 2010 and 2012. Through economic interdependence theory, realists regard the...Show moreThis paper primarily challenges realists’ viewpoints of Chinese actions during the Diaoyu/Senkaku territorial disputes in 2010 and 2012. Through economic interdependence theory, realists regard the Chinese acts as a form of geopolitical bargaining and claim that China is becoming more aggressive and assertive. Liberalists’ perspectives on the other hand, fail to explain why the dispute has escalated. Alternately, realists’ viewpoints overlook a number of factors and overestimate the role of the Chinese government. Two case studies will point out that the Chinese government has unjustly been accused of i) imposing an embargo on rare earth elements to Japan in order to gain a geopolitical leverage in the Diaoyu/Senkaku dispute in 2010 and ii) did not shape popular discontent primarily for the sake of coercing Japan in the bargaining process during the Diaoyu/Senkaku dispute in 2012.Show less
Since the Japanese government purchased three of the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku islands in 2012 and subsequently nationalized them, relations with China and Taiwan sharply deteriorated. After a year...Show moreSince the Japanese government purchased three of the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku islands in 2012 and subsequently nationalized them, relations with China and Taiwan sharply deteriorated. After a year the Chinese government was still cancelling important meetings with Japanese officials, while the Taiwanese East Asian Relations Association had managed to sign a fishery agreement with the Japanese Interchange Association in April 2013. This fishery agreement extended to the seas around the disputed islands, but the agreement did not touch upon sovereignty. The fact that the Chinese government still cancelled important meetings with Japanese officials showed that even after a year Sino-Japanese relations were still affected by the dispute of the 2012 and that the Chinese government did not take official measures to solve the dispute. However, Taiwan acted differently than China and signed a fishery agreement with Japan in April 2013. This shows that Taiwan took another approach regarding the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands than China. This is remarkable, because most academic sources had worked on the assumption that Taiwan and China would be taking a similar approach to handling these disputes and thus only Japan and China were ever considered to be main actors within the dispute. Through the fishery agreement of 2013 however Taiwan has proved to be an equally significant and independent contribution in the attempt to reach a solution for the disputes. This thesis will argue that the fishery agreement of Japan and Taiwan can significantly change the dynamics in the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands disputes.Show less
This thesis discusses the relationship between Taiwanese television (idol) dramas, advertising - in particular product placement, and the way in which young Taiwanese women, i.e. students between...Show moreThis thesis discusses the relationship between Taiwanese television (idol) dramas, advertising - in particular product placement, and the way in which young Taiwanese women, i.e. students between 18-25 years, identify with popular TV-series. The research itself is based on an on-line survey designed by the author herself.Show less
Over the course of history, the bicycle has earned its place in the Chinese and Taiwanese streets and has long been the primary mode of transportation for many people. Even though both China and...Show moreOver the course of history, the bicycle has earned its place in the Chinese and Taiwanese streets and has long been the primary mode of transportation for many people. Even though both China and Taiwan play a big role in the world’s bicycle market, changes seem to have occurred in the presence of bicycle in the Chinese and Taiwanese streets as well as its corresponding perception. This thesis will reflect on changes in the public perception of bicycles in Taiwan and China in the last 60 years by answering questions such as; how have people’s views on the bicycle and its use changed? How can these changes be explained and does the bicycle have a future in China and Taiwan?Show less
