Assimilation in colonial African history has often been studied as an active policy. Recent literature has argued that assimilation was instead far more limited and complicated, especially in the...Show moreAssimilation in colonial African history has often been studied as an active policy. Recent literature has argued that assimilation was instead far more limited and complicated, especially in the case of French-Senegal. This thesis therefore examines cultural assimilation as a rhetorical tool rather than as a directly implemented idea, asking: did the French colonial government in Senegal, between 1852 and 1906, consciously implement assimilation processes with the intended purpose of stimulating the general acceptance of French identity in local indigenous groups, or were there other factors involved? A precursory analysis of how the métis of the Four Communes self-gallicised into French mercantile and cultural intermediaries frames the complex historical situation of French-Senegal. The centuries-long public disinterest towards imperial affairs that the métis experienced resulted in certain freedoms, which they used to construct themselves as French intermediaries over a long period of time. This directly contrasts the short-term adjustments to the indigenous status quo undergone by the Toucouleurs of Futa Toro in the late-19th century, after decades of direct and indirect conflict with the French. This paper provides a more complete picture of how assimilation evolved, was viewed, and significantly more limited than 19th and early-20th century ideological rhetoric suggests. Limited intermediary construction emerges instead as the colonial government’s main policy to ensure long-term stability in newly acquired interior regions, imperial competition with other European powers being a key catalyst. While the colonial government did attempt a few instances of direct assimilation, the budgetary and logistical difficulties of enforcing the acceptance of French civilization indicate that this was not in colonial interest. Policy was instead driven to construct effective intermediaries, which allowed the government to focus on the larger issues it had to deal with. This is connected to the initial war against the jihadi Toucouleur Empire, and the continuing threat that both it and its leaders represented. The Toucouleur Empire had control over a significant swath of West Africa, and the ruling Tall dynasty that claimed those territories was a problem for French colonial ambitions. In addition, the predominantly Islamic indigenous group was highly resistant to foreign Europeans, making assimilation all the more difficult and unlikely in the long run. Due to the demands of imperial competition, the French sought to undermine the Toucouleur Empire, and the Tall dynasty that held sway over it. This was successful, in part thanks to manipulation of the geopolitical situation through treaties with local indigenous chiefs and arming Toucouleur rivals - with indigenous geopolitics playing a significant role on its own in causing the decline of the Toucouleur Empire. The colonial government seized Futa Toro in 1890, forcing the Tall dynasty into exile. The years that followed and the policies implemented further suggest that assimilation was limited in French-Senegal, largely relegated to rhetoric that exaggerated events to fit into unrealistic ideological expectations. A form of limited intermediary construction was emphasised instead, as seen in source description of Islamic policies, which sought to restrict the movement of Muslim preachers and curtail the influence of Islam. Due to the cultural importance of the Islamic faith in Futa Toro, this policy intended to favour French civilization as a replacement – but was unsuccessful. This shows the difficulties that the colonial government encountered when it did attempt to enforce the widespread acceptance of French civilization, and by extension identity, in indigenous groups. Information-gathering practises through 19th century military expeditions also highlight that the colonial government was in no position to extensively consolidate French identity in the region. The French had to acquire as much information about local affairs as possible, so that effective policies could be enacted within budgetary restrictions – which they used to guide the writing of treaties. This is tied to the power wielded by the Tall dynasty, which originated from established Islamic traditions such as the hajj. The French, through information-gathering practises, were well aware of these traditions, and sought to limit the ability for the clerical elite to rebel effectively against them in the long-term. The eventual restriction of the hajj was subsequently enacted through enforced treaty terms, ensuring that indigenous elite children would acquire a predominantly French-education. Yet even in these schools, they were able to speak their own language outside of class and attend Qur’anic schools. This was done so that the ruling elite would be gallicised enough to never question colonial rule, yet not French enough to be able to identify themselves as such in any meaningful way – potentially unable to act as effective leaders and intermediaries in their respective communities as a result. Even this process was complicated by conflicting interpretations of assimilation between colonial missionaries and officials, relating to assimilation’s conceptual connection to the European civilizing mission. This thesis therefore concludes that the French colonial government in Senegal, between 1852 and 1906, certainly talked about assimilation in a way that implied they had consciously implemented assimilation processes with the intended purpose of stimulating the general acceptance of French identity in local indigenous groups. Other factors show that this was not the historical reality, however. The colonial government was not able to apply direct assimilation to the same ideological extent as rhetoric portrayed. Rather, over the span of several decades and due to budgetary restrictions, the government focused on applying pragmatic long-term solutions to ensure public order and stability. This conclusion was driven by theoretical and methodological considerations. To ensure that colonial perspectives remained firmly fixed in their context, this thesis was written using a social imaginary approach, permitting this paper to speak more objectively to what occurred within colonial conversations. Importantly, this avoids the assumption that a ‘superior’ civilisation was dictating the terms of interaction in West Africa. In addition, this new approach provides fresh insights and perspectives, allowing this thesis to contribute something new to existing colonial African literature.Show less
This thesis analyses the use of persuasive rhetorical styles within the political discourse that was present in the popular prints of early eighteenth century Scotland. Using Aristotle’s rhetorical...Show moreThis thesis analyses the use of persuasive rhetorical styles within the political discourse that was present in the popular prints of early eighteenth century Scotland. Using Aristotle’s rhetorical schemata of logos, pathos and ethos as a tool for textual analysis, this thesis demonstrates how Whig, Tory and Jacobite agents used the medium of popular print to endorse their own political ideologies as well as undermining those of their opponents from the Act of Union of 1707 until the Porteous affair of 1736. About twenty percent of the popular prints that constitute this thesis’ corpus of sources, were found to contain political notions corresponding to the contemporary party lines. Within these prints, Whigs were found to appeal to logos for factual representation and amplification, but primarily made use of the pathos of graciousness to portray themselves as righteous. The appeal to this emotion was supported by a virtuous ethos that focused on characterizations such as goodness, honesty and grace. Contrarily, Tories and Jacobites hardly made use of logos but instead appealed to a range of emotions within the concept of pathos, such as gentleness and pity, and ascribed themselves an ethos that included bravery, valance and loyalty. In undermining the opposition, both Whig as well as Tory and Jacobite prints vilify the opponent through the pathos of anger, hatred, enmity and contempt. However, it is in the undermining where ethos becomes the main means of persuasion. Tories are described as incompetent, Jacobites are characterized as barbarous fools, and Whigs as conceiting and self-serving politicians. Consequently, Whigs typically sought to portray themselves as morally and ethically superior to their opponents and their readership, whereas Jacobites seemingly sought to identify with their readership more, emphasizing how everyone was suffering under the Whig government. This thesis outlines the persuasive content of a political discourse that was present within a type of print available to both high and low culture. With this, it argues that political discussion was not strictly reserved for intelligentsia, although it also sustains the assumption that ephemeral print was generally used as a trivial news agent. Ass well as this, this thesis provides two relative novelties. First, it constructs an explicit and restricting definition of the concept 'popular', unlike most academic publications on this concept that apply the term without restrictions. Second, it offers a series of perspectives on the content of a previously unstudied corpus of ephemeral prints published in early eighteenth century Scotland, which is both a period and area that has been understudied with regards to the role of politics in popular print culture.Show less
The Republic of Ireland and its relationship with Catholicism and the Catholic church in Ireland has been a prominent topic in Irish and International newspapers in recent years, primarily due to...Show moreThe Republic of Ireland and its relationship with Catholicism and the Catholic church in Ireland has been a prominent topic in Irish and International newspapers in recent years, primarily due to the scandals that have arisen relating to the abuse of women and children under the care of the State. It’s ill-treatment of the vulnerable citizens who were in the care of religious institutions has been increasingly public since the early 1990s and includes women in Magdalen laundries and those in mother and baby homes amongst other victims. How these scandals were addressed by Irish newspapers following the pivotal points from 1990 to the present day and the impact of this on the secularisation of Ireland are addressed in this paper.Show less
Deze scriptie toont de opinies die verschillende Nederlandse kranten uitdroegen ten tijden van de Britse toetreding tot Europese Gemeenschappen in de jaren 1969-1973. Er is onderzoek gedaan naar de...Show moreDeze scriptie toont de opinies die verschillende Nederlandse kranten uitdroegen ten tijden van de Britse toetreding tot Europese Gemeenschappen in de jaren 1969-1973. Er is onderzoek gedaan naar de publicaties van De Telegraaf, De Tijd, Trouw, Algemeen Handelsblad, NRC Handelsblad, de Volkskrant, Het Parool, Het Vrije Volk, Nederlands Dagblad en De Waarheid. De studie toont aan dat de kranten uiteenlopende meningen verkondigden en dat zij verschilden in de wijze waarop zij hun opinie aan het publiek brachten. Er is vastgesteld dat de meerderheid van de onderzochte nieuwsbladen de Britse toetreding steunden. Het onderzoek heeft echter ook uitgewezen dat De Waarheid een zeer uitgesproken tegenstander was, dat het Nederlands Dagblad onverschillig tegen over de Britse aansluiting stond en dat de redactie van Het Vrije Volk verschillende meningen uitten.Show less
This thesis looks at British society and the changes that have taken place in the British minds regarding the EU. It does so by analysing the political discourse and local changes that have taken...Show moreThis thesis looks at British society and the changes that have taken place in the British minds regarding the EU. It does so by analysing the political discourse and local changes that have taken place between the 1975 an 2016 referendum.Show less
Decolonising Britain. To what extent did the activities of right-wing groups between 1960-1973 indicate a wider British inability to come to terms with the new post-colonial order?
In de jaren zeventig werd Nederland opgeschrikt door verschillende gijzelingsacties van Molukse jongeren. Na de treinkaping bij Wijster in 1975 was de gijzeling bij De Punt in 1977 de tweede...Show moreIn de jaren zeventig werd Nederland opgeschrikt door verschillende gijzelingsacties van Molukse jongeren. Na de treinkaping bij Wijster in 1975 was de gijzeling bij De Punt in 1977 de tweede treinkaping door Molukkers in korte tijd. De gijzeling bij De Punt werd na bijna drie weken beëindigd door mariniers, die in opdracht van de regering de trein binnenvielen. Daarbij kwamen zes Molukse treinkapers en twee gegijzelden om het leven. Bij de Molukse gemeenschap heerst er veel onvrede over het optreden van de mariniers in de trein. Zij hebben het gevoel dat de treinkapers zijn geëxecuteerd. Bijna veertig jaar later, in 2015, kwam de treinkaping weer nadrukkelijk in het nieuws. Molukse nabestaanden van twee van de treinkapers hebben de Nederlandse staat aangeklaagd voor het executeren van de kapers Max Papilaya en Hansina Uktolseja. In 2018 loopt de rechtszaak nog steeds en worden de mariniers gehoord als getuigen voor hun optreden in de trein. In deze thesis wordt behandeld hoe het komt dat er pas veertig jaar later een rechtszaak wordt aangespannen. Wat is er in deze periode gebeurd? En in hoeverre heeft die Molukse onvrede het beleid van de overheid over de beëindiging van de treinkaping beïnvloed?Show less
Dit onderzoek analyseert in welke mate de totstandkoming van Estlands onafhankelijkheid in 1991 van buitenaf is beïnvloed. Aangetoond wordt dat zowel vanuit de Verenigde Staten als vanuit West...Show moreDit onderzoek analyseert in welke mate de totstandkoming van Estlands onafhankelijkheid in 1991 van buitenaf is beïnvloed. Aangetoond wordt dat zowel vanuit de Verenigde Staten als vanuit West-Europa invloeden werden uitgeoefend die de onafhankelijkheid bespoedigden. Dit werpt een nieuw perspectief op de doorgaans nationalistische historiografie over Estlands onafhankelijkheidsbeweging.Show less
Willoughby Dickinson was a Liberal MP who played an active role in the campaign for women's suffrage. He tabled the first bill of the 1906 parliament in favour of it, which he reintroduced every...Show moreWilloughby Dickinson was a Liberal MP who played an active role in the campaign for women's suffrage. He tabled the first bill of the 1906 parliament in favour of it, which he reintroduced every year until 1914. He was a founding member of the Men's League for Women's Suffrage, and was the chair of the Liberal party's own pro-suffrage group. Dickinson worked closely with the NUWSS and this paper is an exposition of his contribution to the movement's ultimate success.Show less
The Irish rebellion of 1798 is pivotal in Irish history. The ideas of the French Revolution contributed greatly to the development of Irish republicanism in the 1790s, when the United Irishmen...Show moreThe Irish rebellion of 1798 is pivotal in Irish history. The ideas of the French Revolution contributed greatly to the development of Irish republicanism in the 1790s, when the United Irishmen began their struggle for an independent, republican Ireland. But the French also contributed in practical manner, by providing military aid in the form of two expeditions to Ireland in 1796 and 1798. This thesis analyses why the French Directory, the executive power during this period, decided to support the Irish, and if it fits within the framework of sister republics. The findings of the thesis suggest that the rhetoric the Directory used to justify the first expedition combined Republican ideals, such as liberating the Irish people from oppression and establishing a republican system of government, with war-strategic arguments such as using Ireland as a weapon to defeat France’s great enemy, England. However, the plan to use a guerrilla-warfare strategy, a chouannerie, in Ireland, with the aim to cause chaos and civil war, shows that Republican ideals were ultimately not the priority for the promoters of the Irish expedition, Carnot and Hoche. Before the second expedition, the political circumstances were very disadvantageous to the Irish cause, and the only way the French would help Ireland again was when they were to rise on their own. When this ultimately happened, the idea of an Irish revolution was enough to justify another expedition, and the Directory reached back to the rhetoric of the 1796 expedition. Moreover, the establishment of the Republic of Connacht shows that there was an attempt to establish a republican system, and the republican rhetoric was thus not uttered in vain. A successful invasion of Ireland might thus have led to an Irish sister-republic; however, the prominence of French interests in the event of an Irish revolution, the focus on English defeat and the chouannerie strategy show that the promotion of Republican ideals was not priority for the Directory.Show less
This thesis looks into the left movement of Germany between 1970 - 1972 and its response to left radical violence and the counter actions of the police. By using five different newspapers from the...Show moreThis thesis looks into the left movement of Germany between 1970 - 1972 and its response to left radical violence and the counter actions of the police. By using five different newspapers from the German left, namely Vorwärts, Konkret, Rote presse korrespondenze, Rote Fahne, Roter Morgen and Agit 883, this thesis tries to show the different responses and developments within the German left movement. After a short history of the development of Germany and the German left protest movement, after World War II untill 1970, this thesis will first show how the discourse within the left movement was influenced by the radicalisation of parts of the left movement. After that it will show the influence of the actions by the government and police, to counter left radical violence, on the discourse within the German left movement.Show less
The Scottish National Liberation Army was, and still is, a very small violent Scottish nationalist movement with the aim of establishing an independent Scottish Republic. From their inception in...Show moreThe Scottish National Liberation Army was, and still is, a very small violent Scottish nationalist movement with the aim of establishing an independent Scottish Republic. From their inception in 1980 they knew how to make the headlines of the newspapers through an insistent campaign of letter bombs to important figures like Lady Diana, Margaret Thatcher and even the queen. They planned bomb hoaxes and were even responsible for some actual bombings. Somehow they were, however, never really (visibly) taken seriously by the media or the authorities. And that might just be one of the reasons why they did not become a large terrorist movement. The aim of this study is to contribute to wider terrorism research by looking at the factors that kept the SNLA from becoming a large terrorist movement. By figuring out what kept the SNLA from becoming the Scottish equivalent of, for example, the IRA we might be able to recreate these conditions and policies in our societies today and reduce the number of people joining such a movement resulting in the gradual decline of terrorist movements. Beatrice de Graaf’s theory on performative power proved to be of crucial importance to answer the research question of this paper: Why did the Scottish National Liberation Army not become a large terrorist movement during the years 1979-1997? By building on a firm theoretical framework of new and proven terrorism research and investigating newspaper articles and parliamentary debates from that period for anything relating to the SNLA this study has come to the conclusion that one of the major factors that contributed to the SNLA remaining a small and obscure movement was (1) the low performative power of the British Government. By publically ignoring the SNLA and letting the infiltration be done by local authorities and intelligence agencies thus not involving the public in the terrorism discourse, the British government minimised the performative power and thus the influence of the movement. Other factors were; (2) the way the media reported the actions of the SNLA, which was usually with disdain; (3) errors from within the SNLA itself, like failed attacks or other actions and; (4) there were other alternatives for the SNLA, movements like the trade union or political parties which were more successful at achieving the same goals as the SNLA but through legal means. On this basis it is recommended for future counterterrorism policies to keep the performative power of the government as low as possible and to keep an open dialogue with and invest in the alienated and marginalised groups of society. Providing them with other alternatives for terrorism.Show less
Een vergelijkende studie naar de Amerikaanse en Nederlandse inlichtingencultuur als verklarende factor voor organisatorische verschillen tussen de Amerikaanse en Nederlandse inlichtingengemeenschap
For most of the twentieth century British political parties have devoted considerable attention to formulating election manifestos, placing them at the very centre of their policy-making efforts....Show moreFor most of the twentieth century British political parties have devoted considerable attention to formulating election manifestos, placing them at the very centre of their policy-making efforts. Their gestation usually took months of detailed preparations in which policies and commitments were carefully selected and written down in more or less certain terms. Since the specific structure and considerable length of the final product often meant that it had little appeal to the average voter, it makes sense to assume that election manifestos served other purposes as well – particularly those that went beyond outright political propaganda and were concerned with wider aspects of policy making, electoral strategy and party management. Nowhere does this mixture of purposes seem more apparent than in the case of the Conservative Party, the dominant force in British politics during the twentieth century, which experienced and survived some of the greatest shifts in policy direction of any mainstream political group in the post-war period.Show less
This thesis focuses on the Irish Republican Courts which existed during the Anglo-Irish War of 1919-1921, also known as the Irish War of Independence. The republican courts were a part of an Irish...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the Irish Republican Courts which existed during the Anglo-Irish War of 1919-1921, also known as the Irish War of Independence. The republican courts were a part of an Irish alternative government, which existed alongside the then still present British government in Ireland. It focuses especially on the motives of ordinary Irishmen to use the republican courts, what is was that made them function, and to what extent they can be considered to have functioned successfully as judicial institutions. Their success as judicial institutions was measured by comparing them to British courts, the Petty Sessions, in terms of the number of cases and types of cases each dealt with. The results amount to a correction of the existing image of the republican courts.Show less
The English scientist Francis Galton (1822-1911)coined the term eugenics in 1883 and first spoke of the concept in 1865. In this thesis it is researched how Galton's ideas about eugenics were...Show moreThe English scientist Francis Galton (1822-1911)coined the term eugenics in 1883 and first spoke of the concept in 1865. In this thesis it is researched how Galton's ideas about eugenics were formed and how his British contemporaries responded to these ideas. The thesis question thus is:‘what formed Galton’s ideas about eugenics, and how did his contemporaries in British society respond to his ideas?’ Influences from Galton's personal life led to his interest in eugenics. At first Galton's contemporaries did not see Galton's concept of eugenics as a practical possibility, but later in his life he did find people who continued his mission. There was also a lot of criticism of his ideas. This criticism was mainly directed at the morality of eugenics and Galton's neglect of the influence of nurture on the improvement of the human race.Show less
This paper looks at the impact of Eamon de Valera, Michael Collins, Arthur Griffith and Cathal Brugha upon the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, focusing on the period from the Easter Rising of April 1916...Show moreThis paper looks at the impact of Eamon de Valera, Michael Collins, Arthur Griffith and Cathal Brugha upon the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, focusing on the period from the Easter Rising of April 1916 to the ratification of the Treaty by the Dáil in January 1922. The research looks at why these figures differed in opinion regarding what political form an independent Ireland would take, as well as asking whether the men’s personal differences helped to sow the seeds of civil war in June 1922, or whether their differences were a reflection of wider public disagreement over the nation’s future.Show less
