On the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told...Show moreOn the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told Palmerston that “a republican France was an aggressive and conquering France.” The memories of the French Revolutionary Wars and the subsequent Napoleonic Wars were still fresh in Europe. Had it not been a French Republic that had threatened the European Balance of Power, subduing the existing states and creating puppet states across the continent? A French Republic that had turned on its rightful king and deposed him before trying to subjugate the lawful order in Europe? The same Republic that had turned into an imperial power under the guidance of Napoleon the likes of which had not been seen since the days of Rome? The parallels to the events of 1789 had to have been frightening to the crowned heads of Europe and their governments. On the 24th, Frederick William IV of Prussia informed Victoria of Britain that he looked at France in fear of a new European war. In the newly formed nation of Belgium, the news of the new French Revolution was met with dread in governmental circles. In the Netherlands, the messages from the French capital of Paris were met with anticipation and uneasiness. When Tsar Nicholas heard of the news he reacted calmly, but immediately stated that Russia would march to war if any infractions were made on existing treaties. He also put a million more rubles at the disposal of the war ministry. Additionally, he wrote a letter to Victoria that a Russo-British union as discussed in 1844 may be needed to ensure stability in Europe. The general consensus at the time among the leaders of European nations was that war was inevitable. France was militarily, by virtue of its population, still one of the most powerful nations on the continent and if it would lead to war, it would mean untold destruction in a display that would appear to be a replica of the events that had happened a little over three decades ago. In the Low Countries, the subject of this thesis, the consequences of the Belgian Revolution of 1830 were still felt strongly. The Belgian Revolution had broken out after the July Revolution in Paris, that had seen the Orleanist take-over of France. It seemed likely that this new French Revolution, a Republican Revolution this time, would also move beyond the borders of France into the Low Countries and bring about another time of violence and war in Belgium and the Netherlands. Except history does not move in predictable patterns. Knowledge of the past does not make one a seer and although a war may have seemed inevitable, it was avoided nonetheless. The diplomatic crisis surrounding this new French Revolution however, is often downplayed in historical works, which have mostly focused on the spread of Revolution across the continent when discussing 1848. Yet, revolution and war were intrinsically linked at the time, especially if that revolution occurred in France. A Revolutionary France would mean a threat to European peace and the balance of power, but it was also a beacon for revolutionaries across the continent who felt supported by a Republican France that might come to their aid, militarily if need be. It may ultimately have been the case that no war in Europe erupted in 1848, but this does not mean that war had not loomed large over the governments of the Low Countries and Europe in general. A manifesto by the French Foreign minister of the Provisional Government Lamartine was sent to all the other courts of Europe one week after the initial Revolution in Paris. It had the intent of unlinking war and revolution (in France), because they were so intrinsically linked in the mind of the 19th century governments. The main objective of the manifesto was legitimising the rule of the Provisional Government and to make sure the reactionary powers would not see the new French Republic as an existential threat. The traumas of the French Revolutionary Wars were specifically addressed. If we consider Lamartine’s manifesto and the Belgian ambassador’s words, this parallel of revolution in France and war was very much on the minds of the contemporary players of the international game of diplomacy.Show less
Een onderzoek over hoe de publieke ruimte werd gebruikt en opgeëist door communisten en sociaaldemocraten tijdens politieke straatactiviteiten in de Haagse Binnenstad tussen 1929 en 1939.
Een onderzoek over hoe de publieke ruimte werd gebruikt en opgeëist door communisten en sociaaldemocraten tijdens politieke straatactiviteiten in de Haagse Binnenstad tussen 1929 en 1939.
Deze scriptie bespreek de hulpverlening van de Luchtstrijdkrachten na de Watersnoodramp van 1953. Aan bod komt het verloop van de hulpverlening en de publieke opinie naar aanleiding van de hulp....Show moreDeze scriptie bespreek de hulpverlening van de Luchtstrijdkrachten na de Watersnoodramp van 1953. Aan bod komt het verloop van de hulpverlening en de publieke opinie naar aanleiding van de hulp. Ook wordt deze inzet in de bredere context geplaatst van de ontwikkeling van het corporate image van de Koninklijke Luchtmacht tot en met het heden.Show less
Tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog was Nederland neutraal, maar niet onwetend. De oorlog speelde een grote rol in het dagelijks leven van de Nederlandse burgers en zij vormden een beeld over de oorlog...Show moreTijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog was Nederland neutraal, maar niet onwetend. De oorlog speelde een grote rol in het dagelijks leven van de Nederlandse burgers en zij vormden een beeld over de oorlog die zich elders voltrok. Met mijn scriptie poog ik bij te dragen aan de geschiedschrijving over beeldvorming in Nederland over de Eerste Wereldoorlog door het uitvoeren van een thematische analyse van Nederlandse oorlogsromans. Deze romans geven blijk aan de unieke Nederlandse betrokkenheid, die enerzijds getekend was door afkeur voor de wat zich in de loopgraven afspeelde en anderzijds door de angst voor het behoud van de Nederlandse neutraliteit.Show less
Op 25 augustus 1830 brak in Brussel een opstand uit die uiteindelijk zou leiden tot de splitsing van het Verenigd Koninkrijk der Nederlanden. Begonnen als een volksopstand met sociaal-economische...Show moreOp 25 augustus 1830 brak in Brussel een opstand uit die uiteindelijk zou leiden tot de splitsing van het Verenigd Koninkrijk der Nederlanden. Begonnen als een volksopstand met sociaal-economische motieven ontwikkelde deze zich tot een onafhankelijkheidsstrijd van het radicale deel van de Zuidelijke oppositie. Geprobeerd werd om ook Zeeuws-Vlaanderen bij de opstand te betrekken. Dit onderzoek gaat over de reactie op deze annexatiepoging op lokaal niveau. Hoe reageerde de plaatselijke elite? Wat was de achterliggende gedachte? Hoe verliep de discussie in de gemeenteraad? In hoeverre sloot de lokale reactie aan op richtlijnen van het provinciaal gouvernement, het ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en de Koning zelf? Hoe verliepen de contacten met hogere overheden? Welke motieven speelden een rol bij het al dan niet kiezen voor de kant van het Zuiden? Wat waren de gevolgen van de opstand voor bestuur en bevolking van Zeeuws-Vlaanderen?Show less
This thesis focuses on the position of women in the far-right by describing their position and self-image in classical European fascism. It elaborates on the divergent experiences in East and West...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the position of women in the far-right by describing their position and self-image in classical European fascism. It elaborates on the divergent experiences in East and West Germany and zooms in on the developments of the modern far-right scene and specifically on the developments of the position of women and their self-image in the this modernized right-wing scene.Show less
The thesis deals with the life of ex-emperor Wilhelm II of Germany in the Netherlands, 1918-1941. In six thematic chapters the different images contemporaries had of Wilhelm are analysed. Some of...Show moreThe thesis deals with the life of ex-emperor Wilhelm II of Germany in the Netherlands, 1918-1941. In six thematic chapters the different images contemporaries had of Wilhelm are analysed. Some of the themes considered are Wilhelm’s arrival at Eysden and later at Amerongen, his second marriage (with Hermine von Reuss), lectures with archeologists at Huis Doorn and his relation with Nazism. With the use of different sets of memoires and newspapers the ‘court life’ at the micro-empire Huis Doorn is showed. In the final conclusion, the often contrary views on Wilhelm are summed up respecting the chronology of Wilhelm’s stay in the Netherlands.Show less
