John Gaffey’s intellectual history of emotions across the French trans-Atlantic slave trade suggests a connection between the emotional rhetoric of socially-directed emotions and the legitimisation...Show moreJohn Gaffey’s intellectual history of emotions across the French trans-Atlantic slave trade suggests a connection between the emotional rhetoric of socially-directed emotions and the legitimisation of slavery in the thoughts of pro-slavery writers. Despite historians’ belief that apologists of slavery were unconcerned with the ethics of their actions, this thesis argues that slavery’s apologists throughout the seventeenth- and eighteenth-centuries acknowledged the need to demonstrate that they stood on the side of humanity. To these ends, they relied on the emotional rhetoric of sympathy and compassion to frame the master-slave relationship as one of hierarchical, condescending pity. This work has drawn on a broad selection of authors from varied geographic, temporal and personal backgrounds, including missionary accounts, merchant manuals, political pamphlets and intellectual treatises. These demonstrate that authors used sympathy and compassion to argue that slavery was a benevolent practice for the enslaved and that French colonisers were particularly equipped to be compassionate masters. However, these authors were never straightforward in their commitment to benevolence. Their writing could turn to limit the perceived need to sympathise with the enslaved. In this way, sympathy and compassion were not universal emotions spread equally towards all people. Far from uncovering a tale of compassionate masters and dependent slaves, this thesis exposes the emotional manipulation and self-interest embedded within the writings of slavery’s apologists. It adds to the growing historical knowledge which demonstrates that sympathy and compassion could open the gap between social groups as much as they could close it. Emotions proved to be a powerful tool for pretexts to violence.Show less
Deze thesis gaat over mutilatie in egodocumenten van Indiëgangers over de Indonesische Onafhankelijkheidsoorlog (1945-1949). De onderzoeksvraag die centraal staat is: hoe wordt er in egodocumenten...Show moreDeze thesis gaat over mutilatie in egodocumenten van Indiëgangers over de Indonesische Onafhankelijkheidsoorlog (1945-1949). De onderzoeksvraag die centraal staat is: hoe wordt er in egodocumenten van Indië-veteranen door de tijd heen geschreven over en gereflecteerd op mutilatie tijdens de Indonesische Onfhankelijkheidsoorlog (1945-1949)? En hoe verhoudt dat zich tot de twee posities in het debat? Voor het beantwoorden van deze vraag maakt het onderzoek gebruik van een veelvoud aan egodocumenten afkomstig uit drie verschillende databases: de NIMH-database (dagboeken van Indië-veteranen), de KITLV-database (retrospectieve bronnen van Indië-veteranen) en de NVI-database (interviews van Indië-veteranen).Show less
On the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told...Show moreOn the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told Palmerston that “a republican France was an aggressive and conquering France.” The memories of the French Revolutionary Wars and the subsequent Napoleonic Wars were still fresh in Europe. Had it not been a French Republic that had threatened the European Balance of Power, subduing the existing states and creating puppet states across the continent? A French Republic that had turned on its rightful king and deposed him before trying to subjugate the lawful order in Europe? The same Republic that had turned into an imperial power under the guidance of Napoleon the likes of which had not been seen since the days of Rome? The parallels to the events of 1789 had to have been frightening to the crowned heads of Europe and their governments. On the 24th, Frederick William IV of Prussia informed Victoria of Britain that he looked at France in fear of a new European war. In the newly formed nation of Belgium, the news of the new French Revolution was met with dread in governmental circles. In the Netherlands, the messages from the French capital of Paris were met with anticipation and uneasiness. When Tsar Nicholas heard of the news he reacted calmly, but immediately stated that Russia would march to war if any infractions were made on existing treaties. He also put a million more rubles at the disposal of the war ministry. Additionally, he wrote a letter to Victoria that a Russo-British union as discussed in 1844 may be needed to ensure stability in Europe. The general consensus at the time among the leaders of European nations was that war was inevitable. France was militarily, by virtue of its population, still one of the most powerful nations on the continent and if it would lead to war, it would mean untold destruction in a display that would appear to be a replica of the events that had happened a little over three decades ago. In the Low Countries, the subject of this thesis, the consequences of the Belgian Revolution of 1830 were still felt strongly. The Belgian Revolution had broken out after the July Revolution in Paris, that had seen the Orleanist take-over of France. It seemed likely that this new French Revolution, a Republican Revolution this time, would also move beyond the borders of France into the Low Countries and bring about another time of violence and war in Belgium and the Netherlands. Except history does not move in predictable patterns. Knowledge of the past does not make one a seer and although a war may have seemed inevitable, it was avoided nonetheless. The diplomatic crisis surrounding this new French Revolution however, is often downplayed in historical works, which have mostly focused on the spread of Revolution across the continent when discussing 1848. Yet, revolution and war were intrinsically linked at the time, especially if that revolution occurred in France. A Revolutionary France would mean a threat to European peace and the balance of power, but it was also a beacon for revolutionaries across the continent who felt supported by a Republican France that might come to their aid, militarily if need be. It may ultimately have been the case that no war in Europe erupted in 1848, but this does not mean that war had not loomed large over the governments of the Low Countries and Europe in general. A manifesto by the French Foreign minister of the Provisional Government Lamartine was sent to all the other courts of Europe one week after the initial Revolution in Paris. It had the intent of unlinking war and revolution (in France), because they were so intrinsically linked in the mind of the 19th century governments. The main objective of the manifesto was legitimising the rule of the Provisional Government and to make sure the reactionary powers would not see the new French Republic as an existential threat. The traumas of the French Revolutionary Wars were specifically addressed. If we consider Lamartine’s manifesto and the Belgian ambassador’s words, this parallel of revolution in France and war was very much on the minds of the contemporary players of the international game of diplomacy.Show less
De Kaap in de zeventiende eeuw was een wild en onontgonnen, maar uitgestrekt en zeer vruchtbaar gebied. Gedurende de zeventiende eeuw werd de ecologie van Zuid-Afrika radicaal veranderd door de...Show moreDe Kaap in de zeventiende eeuw was een wild en onontgonnen, maar uitgestrekt en zeer vruchtbaar gebied. Gedurende de zeventiende eeuw werd de ecologie van Zuid-Afrika radicaal veranderd door de toenemende scheepvaart en kolonisering van het gebied. In 1652 stichtte Jan van Riebeeck de Kaapkolonie, waardoor deze verandering in een stroomversnelling kwam. Rond 1700 was de Kaap bijna onherkenbaar veranderd door de vestiging van Europese kolonisten en de introductie van nieuwe planten, gewassen en dieren. In dit onderzoek wordt deze verandering beschreven aan de hand van primaire bronnen en secundaire literatuur.Show less
MA thesis on American internationalism at the dawn of the 20th century, revisited through a comparison with the Netherlands, showing a pattern of morallegalistic means to pursue economic goals in...Show moreMA thesis on American internationalism at the dawn of the 20th century, revisited through a comparison with the Netherlands, showing a pattern of morallegalistic means to pursue economic goals in international politics.Show less
Deze scriptie onderzoekt de overeenkomsten en verschillen tussen Fortuyn, Wilders en Baudet. Ze worden vergeleken op het gebied van ideologie, stijl en achterban.
This thesis shows why the involvement of Princess Diana during the AIDS crisis was a step forward for the gay community. In the 1980s, the AIDS crisis wreaked havoc on the gay community in Britain....Show moreThis thesis shows why the involvement of Princess Diana during the AIDS crisis was a step forward for the gay community. In the 1980s, the AIDS crisis wreaked havoc on the gay community in Britain. Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative Party was in power during that decade and did very little to stop the homophobic British public from blaming the gay community for the AIDS crisis. However, there was a figure of importance who did care for homosexual AIDS patients. This was Princess Diana. Diana’s visits to the AIDS wards from 1987 onwards transformed her in the eyes of the gay community from just another princess who was part of the establishment to a gay icon. This image evolved even further when it became public knowledge that Diana had suffered from neglect and was treated like an outcast by her husband and the royal family. Diana received massive support from the gay community because the problems she faced during her marriage were all too familiar to many queer people. Tragically, Diana died in a car crash on 31 August 1997. However, even decades after her death the gay community still sees Diana as relatable. This is because Diana’s story is often portrayed in the media through a queer lens, which keeps her memory alive and seemingly makes her part of the gay community.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to study the Mozambican collections in the Netherlands. They were acquired in the late 19th and early 20th centuries by a network of European men, among them Hendrik...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to study the Mozambican collections in the Netherlands. They were acquired in the late 19th and early 20th centuries by a network of European men, among them Hendrik Muller, most of whom were linked to a Dutch trading house called the Handels-Compagnie Mozambique. Building on critical insights into provenance research, I intend to complicate the provenance of the Mozambican collection by using methodological insights provided by literature from the fields of archival studies, museum studies, and provenance research. Museum collections, which Carolyn Hamilton calls ‘the marooned archive of material culture’, have been neglected as sources in the study of colonial history. Drawing on archival theory, I aim to reconceptualize the Mozambican collections as part of the broader archive of Dutch colonial history. In piecing together the fragments of the colonial archive, researchers must choose which narratives to reconstruct and how. In my reconstruction of the collection’s history, I focus on three key moments in the objects’ biographies before they left Mozambique. The making of the objects and the context of their making, the buying of objects and the context of their buyers and collectors, and finally, the taking of objects within the context of colonial conflict. In each chapter, I will reflect on a specific object and the implications of its biography for understanding the Mozambican collections in the Netherlands as a whole. These objects are a large beaded tablecloth, made by Mozambican women specifically for sale to Europeans; a woven shawl with touristic imagery, made by Mozambican men, also for sale to Europeans; and a beaded headdress of a ritual specialist which was looted by Europeans following the suppression of an anti-colonial uprising known as the Massingire Uprising. Building on these case studies, I reflect on the strengths and limitations of provenance research using European archives to study colonial history.Show less
This thesis discusses the presentation of indigenous Filipinos in exhibition photography of the 1904 World's Fair in St. Louis. Rather than as passive participants to the American presentation of...Show moreThis thesis discusses the presentation of indigenous Filipinos in exhibition photography of the 1904 World's Fair in St. Louis. Rather than as passive participants to the American presentation of benevolent assimilation, this study argues that photographs can be used to find instances of indigenous agency and that the indigenous Filipinos presented in them were active participants in the "event of photography." This is done through a 'watching' of photographic ensembles of the five major Filipino indigenous groups (Igorot, Moro, Visayan, Bagobo, Negrito), looking at how each group was presented in photographs with a single subject, the group interacting amongst themselves, and the group when interacting with Western technology and culture.Show less
In dit onderzoek is de vraag gesteld: Hoe is in de jaren zestig en zeventig het verpleegsterstekort opgelost en waarom hebben bepaalde oplossingen meer prioriteit gekregen boven andere? In dit...Show moreIn dit onderzoek is de vraag gesteld: Hoe is in de jaren zestig en zeventig het verpleegsterstekort opgelost en waarom hebben bepaalde oplossingen meer prioriteit gekregen boven andere? In dit onderzoek zijn verschillende instroom-vergrotende en uitstroom-verminderende maatregelen onderzocht en zijn de kortetermijn- en langetermijnmaatregelen geanalyseerd. De focus hierbij ligt vooral op maatregelen vanuit zorginstellingen en overheidsinstanties, waaronder het ministerie van Volksgezondheid.Show less
