The United States is currently in the process of replacing many of its traditional public schools with semi-private institutions called charter schools. Though this process only became widespread...Show moreThe United States is currently in the process of replacing many of its traditional public schools with semi-private institutions called charter schools. Though this process only became widespread within the last few decades, its origins are rooted in the political turmoil that occurred during the American Civil Rights movement more than 50 years ago. By implementing critical race theory, this study investigates the relationship between long standing racism and the push to privatize U.S. public schools by using the New Orleans public school system as a focal point. Court documents, historical accounts, interviews, era specific newspaper articles and prior research into the field are all used to accomplish this aim. Analyzing these materials illustrates how current arguments in favor of privatization were born out of white resistance to racially integrated public schools in the mid-20th century, and still echo the talking points used during the Civil Rights era to challenge forced integration. Based on these analyses, this study concludes that the American charter school movement is poorly regulated, racially biased, and creates classroom inequality in New Orleans, and throughout the United States.Show less
The present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's...Show moreThe present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's magazines during the Greek Junta reflect the regime's ideology on gender roles?". The analysis is divided into three chapters regarding representations of the female body and sexuality, work and marriage, and politics respectively. The thesis also highlights the underlying tension between modernity and tradition in far-right ideologies and the way it is mirrored through women's representations in the magazines.Through the analysis, the thesis concludes that these magazines promoted a considerably more liberal view of womanhood than that expected and desired by the Junta for Greek women. It also points out that this liberal image of women was not necessarily opposed by the regime since it too promoted itself as liberal. Finally, the thesis demonstrates that this particular inconsistency between presentation and expectation reveals a gendered facet of the tension between traditionalism and modernization documented in the magazine pages of the Greek Junta.Show less
This thesis focuses on the role of the Indonesian propagandist Sutomo (or Bung Tomo) during the Indonesian revolution in Surabaya, 1945, questioning the Dutch and Indonesian different perspectives...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the role of the Indonesian propagandist Sutomo (or Bung Tomo) during the Indonesian revolution in Surabaya, 1945, questioning the Dutch and Indonesian different perspectives and memory. Nowadays in Indonesia Sutomo is remembered as a hero, yet in the Dutch historiography he is often portrayed as a war criminal, responsible for inciting the masses to kill Dutch, Eurasians and other minorities. One Dutch testimony in particular holds him accountable for the brutal massacre in the Simpang Club. This case-study analyses the different views on Indonesian anti-colonial violence during the so-called "Bersiap-period" and how Bung Tomo became the personification of these brutalities for the Dutch memory in particular. How does the latter relate to the Indonesian positive memory of him? As such, the topic of this thesis also relates to the growing academic attention to the Bersiap, in which terminology (should we call it a genocide) and the possible trigger (why did it happen) are the main topics of discussion. The first section provides a brief historical outline from the pre-war colonial situation to the Japanese occupation and finally the capitulation on August 15th, 1945. To give a clear understanding of the variety of social and political factors that led to the violent outburst of the Bersiap. The second section traces the basic history of Sutomo and his place in Surabaya and the first two months of the revolution in September and October 1945. This includes an analysis of the horrible events inside the Simpang Club. The third section pays attention to the period after he established his organization BPRI, when he became internationally known as radio-maker, actively countering Dutch propaganda. This section aims to explore the possibility of a Dutch slander campaign against him and the subsequent impact of that on the later historiography and memory. The conclusion returns to the main question on how to make sense of the conflicting memories of Bung Tomo. The conclusion also touches upon the larger question regarding the responsibility for the Bersiap and whether the term genocide is appropriate in this case.Show less
The present thesis is an attempt to investigate the role of American nationalism in American history by focusing on the 1976 election of Jimmy Carter. I will make two main claims in the present...Show moreThe present thesis is an attempt to investigate the role of American nationalism in American history by focusing on the 1976 election of Jimmy Carter. I will make two main claims in the present thesis. First of all, that American nationalism helped to motivate Southern Baptists to support Jimmy Carter, despite suspicions regarding Carter’s religiosity. To be specific, the Baptists voted for Carter because of their desire to defend the United States of America as a Christian nation and not simply due to Carter’s public confession of faith as a ‘born-again’ Christian. Second, nationalist words and stories can be found in Carter’s rhetoric. His inclusion of this nationalistic content was intended to maintain support for Jimmy Carter among American evangelicals. Meanwhile, publications of the Southern Baptists such as the Southern Baptist News Press disseminated nationalistic expressions and connected them to support for Jimmy Carter. In other words, this thesis will provide an alternative answer by arguing that the election of Jimmy Carter was possible thanks to American nationalism, which was permeated with religion.Show less
The leading question in this research is how sir Granville St John Orde Browne imagined the ideal colonial labourer in correspondence and reports written in the course of his career, 1885-1945. It...Show moreThe leading question in this research is how sir Granville St John Orde Browne imagined the ideal colonial labourer in correspondence and reports written in the course of his career, 1885-1945. It asks specifically how men and women were represented or omitted within this imagining and why. It is argued that in the context of colonial labour, Orde Browne imagined the ideal colonial labourer as male and hereby excluded women from the realm of wage labour opportunities, instead discursively assigning them to the sphere of domesticity and recommending policies that limited female wage labour opportunities and reified a colonial idealization of wife-hood and motherhood. This exclusion was based on assumptions of women as especially traditional and conservative, a sexualization and associated demoralization of the independent presence of women in the compounds, and women being deemed inferior labourers. Men, on the other hand, were represented as objects of exploitation, whose bodies and minds were to be controlled through colonial policies with the aim of making labour migration as efficient and profitable as possible. Women within this structure were visualized as dependents who could either hinder said effective exploitation through the spread of disease and immorality, or could enable even more efficient and stable exploitation and ensure the reproduction of a future generation of workers.Show less
The Open Deure, published in 1651 in Leiden, is well-known for its detailed account of the society and religious practices of the Brahmins in Pulicat, near modern Chennai. An important element has...Show moreThe Open Deure, published in 1651 in Leiden, is well-known for its detailed account of the society and religious practices of the Brahmins in Pulicat, near modern Chennai. An important element has however been ignored by scholarship: the extensive annotations written by an unknown antiquarian scholar, identified only as A.W. in the preface to the main text. In the annotations A.W. contextualises and ‘translates’ Rogerius’s account into something relevant for a European scholarly audience; this gave the contemporary reader a framework with which to judge Rogerius's descriptions, lacking from the latter's dry and factual observations. The annotations argue for a monistic Neoplatonic understanding of the Brahmins' religious practices which A.W. readily states to bear the same basic truths that can be found in Christianity. On the other hand, his comparative model elevates the Brahmins' religion to a modern understanding of the term. A.W.’s footnotes showcase the larger discourses in Europe and the seventeenth century’s transformation of the concept of ‘religion’ - as well as the birth of comparative religion which accompanied it. The annotations of the Open Deure thus turn out to be integral to the contemporary understanding of Rogerius’s text and should be considered next to the main narrative.Show less
With at least 174 performances in 2017, it is fair to say that Johann Sebastian Bach’s St Matthew Passion enjoys unusual popularity in the Netherlands. Many scholars have wondered why, but without...Show moreWith at least 174 performances in 2017, it is fair to say that Johann Sebastian Bach’s St Matthew Passion enjoys unusual popularity in the Netherlands. Many scholars have wondered why, but without looking at the formative years of the Dutch Passion tradition: the interwar period between 1919 and 1939, when, as a result of economic distress, fear for moral breakdown and social fragmentation, the Dutch rediscovered an inward sense of nationality. First of all, this thesis shows that the tradition of yearly Passion performances, established by the conductor Willem Mengelberg, became a ritual through which citizens could profess this nationality. Subsequently, it analyses how a diverse group of intellectuals imbued Bach’s masterpiece with sublime properties. Finally, it turns its attention to peripheral regions, where locals took the initiative to organize their own Passion performances, enabling large swathes of the population to share and participate in a national musical culture. This thesis thus moves beyond musical, textual and dramaturgical aspects and integrates Dutch interwar Passion performance within its historical, social and cultural context. It regards Passion performances as civic rituals fostering emotional identification among both the active and passive participants. This approach aims to do justice to the ideological, religious and socio-economical heterogeneity of Dutch interwar society, as reflected in the vast array of primary sources under scrutiny. By investigating the origins of the Dutch passion for the Passion, this thesis seeks to elucidate the relations between music and national identity.Show less
This thesis delves into the relation between crisis and policy change in a historical context by exploring the Dutch emigration policies concerning South Africa before and after the Sharpeville...Show moreThis thesis delves into the relation between crisis and policy change in a historical context by exploring the Dutch emigration policies concerning South Africa before and after the Sharpeville massacre (1960). Most literature discussing the Sharpeville massacre and its aftermath take the decline in emigration in the years following the massacre as an evident consequence of the changing perceptions of South Africa, and place it in a holistic hypothesis of general denunciation. By analysing this from a policy perspective, the decline in emigration is better explained by a multitude of factors, then by a single event (i.e. Sharpeville) alone. It is undeniable that Sharpeville had an impact on how South Africa was being perceived in the Netherlands. And evidently, this must have discouraged people to emigrate there. However, this thesis argues that the structures, policies and practices of the Dutch emigration system have been overlooked in this context. The emigration apparatus played such an important role on Dutch emigration as a whole, that it had a crucial impact on the emigration to South Africa. Despite the obsevation that there was not a clear policy change after Sharpeville, their power as an institution to orchestrate the Dutch emigration proved to be an important factor when trying to explain the decline of Dutch emigration to South Africa.Show less
This thesis explores the Attic custom of pederasty by applying gaze theory to passages from Socratic philosophy, vase-paintings and a selection of Greek novels. This allows for previously under...Show moreThis thesis explores the Attic custom of pederasty by applying gaze theory to passages from Socratic philosophy, vase-paintings and a selection of Greek novels. This allows for previously under-emphasized emotions and views to be studied, which reveals that the repeated scholarly focus on static active and passive roles between lover and beloved respectively is unjustified and restricting. Instead a trope is present in the sources where the impact that gazing upon a desired youth had could render a lover passive to his beauty: the beloved held (emotional) power over him through the spectacle he presents.Show less
Assimilation in colonial African history has often been studied as an active policy. Recent literature has argued that assimilation was instead far more limited and complicated, especially in the...Show moreAssimilation in colonial African history has often been studied as an active policy. Recent literature has argued that assimilation was instead far more limited and complicated, especially in the case of French-Senegal. This thesis therefore examines cultural assimilation as a rhetorical tool rather than as a directly implemented idea, asking: did the French colonial government in Senegal, between 1852 and 1906, consciously implement assimilation processes with the intended purpose of stimulating the general acceptance of French identity in local indigenous groups, or were there other factors involved? A precursory analysis of how the métis of the Four Communes self-gallicised into French mercantile and cultural intermediaries frames the complex historical situation of French-Senegal. The centuries-long public disinterest towards imperial affairs that the métis experienced resulted in certain freedoms, which they used to construct themselves as French intermediaries over a long period of time. This directly contrasts the short-term adjustments to the indigenous status quo undergone by the Toucouleurs of Futa Toro in the late-19th century, after decades of direct and indirect conflict with the French. This paper provides a more complete picture of how assimilation evolved, was viewed, and significantly more limited than 19th and early-20th century ideological rhetoric suggests. Limited intermediary construction emerges instead as the colonial government’s main policy to ensure long-term stability in newly acquired interior regions, imperial competition with other European powers being a key catalyst. While the colonial government did attempt a few instances of direct assimilation, the budgetary and logistical difficulties of enforcing the acceptance of French civilization indicate that this was not in colonial interest. Policy was instead driven to construct effective intermediaries, which allowed the government to focus on the larger issues it had to deal with. This is connected to the initial war against the jihadi Toucouleur Empire, and the continuing threat that both it and its leaders represented. The Toucouleur Empire had control over a significant swath of West Africa, and the ruling Tall dynasty that claimed those territories was a problem for French colonial ambitions. In addition, the predominantly Islamic indigenous group was highly resistant to foreign Europeans, making assimilation all the more difficult and unlikely in the long run. Due to the demands of imperial competition, the French sought to undermine the Toucouleur Empire, and the Tall dynasty that held sway over it. This was successful, in part thanks to manipulation of the geopolitical situation through treaties with local indigenous chiefs and arming Toucouleur rivals - with indigenous geopolitics playing a significant role on its own in causing the decline of the Toucouleur Empire. The colonial government seized Futa Toro in 1890, forcing the Tall dynasty into exile. The years that followed and the policies implemented further suggest that assimilation was limited in French-Senegal, largely relegated to rhetoric that exaggerated events to fit into unrealistic ideological expectations. A form of limited intermediary construction was emphasised instead, as seen in source description of Islamic policies, which sought to restrict the movement of Muslim preachers and curtail the influence of Islam. Due to the cultural importance of the Islamic faith in Futa Toro, this policy intended to favour French civilization as a replacement – but was unsuccessful. This shows the difficulties that the colonial government encountered when it did attempt to enforce the widespread acceptance of French civilization, and by extension identity, in indigenous groups. Information-gathering practises through 19th century military expeditions also highlight that the colonial government was in no position to extensively consolidate French identity in the region. The French had to acquire as much information about local affairs as possible, so that effective policies could be enacted within budgetary restrictions – which they used to guide the writing of treaties. This is tied to the power wielded by the Tall dynasty, which originated from established Islamic traditions such as the hajj. The French, through information-gathering practises, were well aware of these traditions, and sought to limit the ability for the clerical elite to rebel effectively against them in the long-term. The eventual restriction of the hajj was subsequently enacted through enforced treaty terms, ensuring that indigenous elite children would acquire a predominantly French-education. Yet even in these schools, they were able to speak their own language outside of class and attend Qur’anic schools. This was done so that the ruling elite would be gallicised enough to never question colonial rule, yet not French enough to be able to identify themselves as such in any meaningful way – potentially unable to act as effective leaders and intermediaries in their respective communities as a result. Even this process was complicated by conflicting interpretations of assimilation between colonial missionaries and officials, relating to assimilation’s conceptual connection to the European civilizing mission. This thesis therefore concludes that the French colonial government in Senegal, between 1852 and 1906, certainly talked about assimilation in a way that implied they had consciously implemented assimilation processes with the intended purpose of stimulating the general acceptance of French identity in local indigenous groups. Other factors show that this was not the historical reality, however. The colonial government was not able to apply direct assimilation to the same ideological extent as rhetoric portrayed. Rather, over the span of several decades and due to budgetary restrictions, the government focused on applying pragmatic long-term solutions to ensure public order and stability. This conclusion was driven by theoretical and methodological considerations. To ensure that colonial perspectives remained firmly fixed in their context, this thesis was written using a social imaginary approach, permitting this paper to speak more objectively to what occurred within colonial conversations. Importantly, this avoids the assumption that a ‘superior’ civilisation was dictating the terms of interaction in West Africa. In addition, this new approach provides fresh insights and perspectives, allowing this thesis to contribute something new to existing colonial African literature.Show less
The United Nations did not deploy a peacekeeping mission in Africa for a quarter of a century following its contentious intervention in the Congo in the early 1960s. Due to this lack of military...Show moreThe United Nations did not deploy a peacekeeping mission in Africa for a quarter of a century following its contentious intervention in the Congo in the early 1960s. Due to this lack of military intervention, much of the existing scholarship has overlooked the organisation’s influence in the process of African decolonisation during the Cold War. In contrast, this thesis re-examines the relationship between United Nations intervention and African decolonisation through the case studies of the Congo and Southern Rhodesia between 1960 and 1980. During this period, the United Nations explored alternative means of diplomatic and economic intervention in Africa, examined in this thesis through the organisation’s relationship with the white minority government of Southern Rhodesia. This was not a period of non-intervention, but rather a time of complex reconfiguration for the organisation concerning its future role within the process of African decolonisation.Show less
Newspapers reveal much more than the facts reported within them. They illustrate revolutionary culture and the climate of ideas which faced readers. Understanding this is crucial to imagining how...Show moreNewspapers reveal much more than the facts reported within them. They illustrate revolutionary culture and the climate of ideas which faced readers. Understanding this is crucial to imagining how people experienced the daily reality of living through such times. Newspapers during the Directory period have seldom been studied. This is a particular lacuna given the crisis and unexpected chaos of the summer of 1799. By mid-1799, multiple military fronts as well as internal unrest backgrounded the beginning of the royalist rebellion in the Haute-Garonne. The way in which the press characterised this royalist threat and communicated the crisis discloses much about what editors, and in turn their readership, were afraid of happening. Editors relied on collective memories of the horrors of the Terror to characterise opposing political factions thereby demonstrating fears of repeating the recent past. Contrasting this dire rhetoric and the extreme demonisation of the rebels with actual indifferent government attitude to the insurrection illustrates that this was merely a form of propaganda employed for political ends by the Jacobin, royalist, and republican political movements. In the same vein, the post-rebellion manipulation of the depiction of peasant rebels once again establishes that these words were more motivated by political needs than by reality. This reveals an underlying anxiety from a Directory whose control over France was steadily eroding.Show less
