This thesis focuses on an informal collective of individuals known as the ‘Rijkens group’. It offers new insights in the influence this group has had on the international developments of the West...Show moreThis thesis focuses on an informal collective of individuals known as the ‘Rijkens group’. It offers new insights in the influence this group has had on the international developments of the West New Guinea dispute, thereby strongly challenging current historiographical consensus. This topic is approached from a New Diplomatic History perspective and focuses in almost equal parts on private archives, governmental archives and secondary literature. It showcases the value of expanding the notion of ‘diplomacy’ to also include non-state actors and therefore is able to present a more complete image of the exchanges between, and influences on, the countries involved in the dispute. Ultimately this thesis is able to conclude that the group was of large influence on the views and undertakings of the different governments involved in the dispute. This is accompanied by the group’s influence on Dutch domestic press coverage of the West New Guinea dispute. Such coverage turned out to be much more representative of the group’s opinion on the matter than that of the actual larger public.Show less
Although the Dutch government was glad Suriname decided to stand on its own feet, it was anxious to see a large proportion of its population immigrate to the Netherlands. The policies put into...Show moreAlthough the Dutch government was glad Suriname decided to stand on its own feet, it was anxious to see a large proportion of its population immigrate to the Netherlands. The policies put into place to stop them from migrating are discussed and their efficacy weighed in a theoretical setting.Show less
This thesis started with the question if parents in Roman times would be able to love their child, even if it turned out the child was disabled. The Roman law recorded in the Twelve Tables from the...Show moreThis thesis started with the question if parents in Roman times would be able to love their child, even if it turned out the child was disabled. The Roman law recorded in the Twelve Tables from the fifth century B.C.E. stated that parents had to kill their disabled children for the good of the Roman citizens. Some historians however, wrote that disabled individuals were displayed for popular entertainment in ancient Rome as part of an established tradition in the Roman culture of displaying the anomalous bodies of humans and animals. How can children be killed at birth and yet be displayed for popular entertainment? In this thesis I have placed myself within a debate about disability history. The debate is about what the social position was of the disabled within an ancient society, in this thesis the Roman era. The main question for this thesis therefore became: What was the position of the disabled within the Roman Empire?Show less
Between January and April 1861, in the wake of Abraham Lincoln's election, the seceding lower South states sent five secession commissioners to Virginia to persuade the Virginians to secede and...Show moreBetween January and April 1861, in the wake of Abraham Lincoln's election, the seceding lower South states sent five secession commissioners to Virginia to persuade the Virginians to secede and join in forming the Confederacy. This study examines why all but one failed to achieve their goal. While this thesis only gives a partial answer, it sheds light on a number of complexities regarding both the commissioners' efforts and Virginia's secession crisis.Show less
This thesis will argue that the collaboration between local elites in Aceh, the uleebalang, and the Dutch colonials after the establishment of civil governance in 1918 was an uneasy one. In...Show moreThis thesis will argue that the collaboration between local elites in Aceh, the uleebalang, and the Dutch colonials after the establishment of civil governance in 1918 was an uneasy one. In contrast with existing historiography that depicted the position of uleebalang merely as the henchmen of the colonial authorities, this thesis will examine a specific event, that is the involvement of several uleebalang in North Aceh into the mass organization Sarekat Islam (Union of Islam) in the 1920s, to provide new insight into the nature of the collaboration and the making of modern political life in Aceh. In brief, this case presented anxiety and distrust of Dutch officials towards their local collaborator, the uleebalang, due to their activity in Sarekat Islam. By focusing on 1918-1923, this thesis attempts to analyze how Aceh was integrated into the colonial administration of the Dutch East Indies by means of collaboration with its local elites, the uleebalang. Rather than looking at the selected events of Sarekat Islam in North Aceh merely as local dynamics as previous research has done, this thesis will discuss the connection between local events with wider networks of anti-colonial resistance in the Dutch East Indies between 1918-1923. In doing so, this thesis aims to fill the gap in the historiography of colonial Aceh in its early years of civil rule while also contributing to the historiography of colonial civil administration of the Dutch East Indies.Show less
Compared with tea, silk or porcelain, timber has been discussed by much fewer scholars as a particular commodity of the modern time. The current historiography does not show the development of the...Show moreCompared with tea, silk or porcelain, timber has been discussed by much fewer scholars as a particular commodity of the modern time. The current historiography does not show the development of the indigenous economic network and the intra-continental market for timber trade. Hence in this work, I will provide a detailed complement, demonstrating how timber trade in the South China Sea area evolved after the arrival of the European merchants and became a substantial part of the entire mercantile activities of the VOC (the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, or Dutch East India Company).Show less
Early modern globalization is not only about exchange of goods by seas and circulation of knowledge by urban elite, it also took place in remote commodity frontiers where unique frontier society...Show moreEarly modern globalization is not only about exchange of goods by seas and circulation of knowledge by urban elite, it also took place in remote commodity frontiers where unique frontier society had formed because of the convergence of influence from different agricultural traditions. This thesis aims to fill a gap in the studies of frontier society, that is, the absence of plantation society in early modern Asian history. By exploring the archives of the Dutch East India Company (the VOC) in Den Haag and Jakarta, the untold history of the emergence of Asian sugar plantations in the Dutch East Indies is for the first time fully exhibited. This history offers us an intriguing perspective to think how Chinese agricultural tradition and Dutch rural instituion converged and how that convergence led to divergent sugar societies in Dutch Formosa and in the Ommelanden of Batavia. It also gives us a unique example to compare with the well-known plantation society in the Atlantic and the so-called small-household economy in China. It is after all a global history in a rural society.Show less
Handleiding voor het ordenen en beschrijven van archieven is the first manual on archiving in the world. The Manual is also the codified version of Dutch Archivistiek, and to some extent it...Show moreHandleiding voor het ordenen en beschrijven van archieven is the first manual on archiving in the world. The Manual is also the codified version of Dutch Archivistiek, and to some extent it reflects European archival practices, especially France and Germany. Although the Manual has never been translated into Indonesian, its influence on Indonesian archival practices is accepted, understood and developed by Indonesian archivists within their own discourse and context. The thesis describes the influence on the laws (Archief wet 1918, Archief ordonnantie 1941, Pokok-Pokok Kearsipan 1971 and Kearsipan 2009), the standards (Pengelolaan Arsip Statis 2004, Pedoman Penyusunan Sarana Bantu Penemuan Kembali Arsip Statis 2011 and Standar Deskripsi Arsip Statis 2015) and writings through the main rules of the Manual such as concept of archives, provenance, original order, arrangement and description.Show less
In this thesis, the gap between a steady and overwhelming majority of the British public in favour of legalisation of PAS and a political unwillingness to change the legal status quo is explored....Show moreIn this thesis, the gap between a steady and overwhelming majority of the British public in favour of legalisation of PAS and a political unwillingness to change the legal status quo is explored. The question that stands central in this historically uncharted topic is how this majority of public opinion was perceived and used in the parliamentary debates on PAS in both the HOL and HOC and how it has influenced these debates over time (1993-2015). From the first two chapters it becomes clear that mounting public pressure via media, lobby groups and court rulings resulted in multiple efforts through PMB’s to legalise PAS. In that sense, public pressure was already an influential factor in bringing about political debate and attention to the subject. It is further argued that from 2003 onwards the question of which role public opinion on PAS should play in the decision making provided for an authoritarian/liberal line of conflict. Lords and MP’s increasingly considered the argument that a majority of the public was in favour of PAS as one of the most important or in some cases even as a foundational justification to legitimise their claim for legalisation of PAS. These representatives were supporters of the concepts of liberty and autonomy of the individual to determine one’s own destiny. However, representatives opposing PAS in both Houses on the other hand showed a total distrust of the public opinion. They denied any involvement of public opinion on the decision making process and even found it potentially dangerous for policy making. They showed an authoritarian and superior attitude towards the ability of the public in making an informed decision on PAS. The increase in MP’s and Lords voting against PAS in the researched period shows that despite this intensive and growing debate on public opinion in parliament, public pressure has not been able to bend voting in favour of a majority.Show less
In this thesis, French Catholic responses to the Space Race, starting with the launch of Sputnik I in 1957, and ending with the moon landing of Apollo 11 in 1969, are analysed. This is done by...Show moreIn this thesis, French Catholic responses to the Space Race, starting with the launch of Sputnik I in 1957, and ending with the moon landing of Apollo 11 in 1969, are analysed. This is done by looking at four major Catholic newspapers. Each of these papers represented an aspect of the fragmentised French Catholic society. When taken together and compared, these papers allowed for a study of the different opinions towards spaceflight in France during the Space Race. To find out whether these opinions were specific to Catholics or more generally held across society, as a point of reference, the response in the secular paper Le Monde are also taken into the equation. Even though the topic is far from conventional, this study is able to provide relevant additions to several fields. These additions can be divided between more theoretical findings about the development of religion, and more practical observations regarding French history and Catholic history. Firstly, on a more abstract level, this study questions the master narrative of secularisation. This is done by showing that the teleological framework used to explain the development of religion is not able to incorporate the way Catholics reacted to modernisation in the form of spaceflight. In other words: the classical image of the decline of religion in the face of modernity does not show from this case study. But apart from fulfilling this negative role in this thesis, secularisation also features as an object of study. For the way French Catholics saw their present and future was very much influenced by the spectre of secularisation. But, with the reforms of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), a new progressive stance was taken regarding modernisation. Spaceflight played a crucial role in this Catholic repositioning, for it was the live broadcasted Genesis- reading aboard Apollo 8 on Christmas Eve 1968 that remystified spaceflight and space, and convinced many Catholics that scientific modernisation was not a threat to religion anymore. So even though some already saw the possibility for science and religion to integrate, after this single event, this thought became much more widespread amongst French Catholics. In abstract words, from that point on, the developments of spaceflight caused scientific progress to be definitely detached from the master narrative of secularisation in the minds of French Catholics. Moreover, the Genesis-reading greatly boosted Catholic confidence, making the secularisation seem less menacing than before. Apart from these observations regarding the development of religion, this thesis also provides a new insight into French history and Catholic history. It for example showed that the split within French Catholic society grew during the timespan of the Space Race, but, surprisingly, that the diverse factions came closer together regarding their views on spaceflight. Another interesting conclusion is that spaceflight influenced the way French Catholics perceived the Cold War. The Space Race was clearly seen as a struggle between the superpowers in which France, despite its relatively successful space program, had no role to play. Crucially for the image of spaceflight, the same rockets that were used for the exploration of space could also be used to carry a nuclear payload, and spacefaring therefore always remained connected to the danger of atomic warfare. Another important conclusion is that French Catholics perceived the Cold War differently than non-Catholics. Instead of seeing the familiar Cold War between the communist Soviet Union and capitalist America, French Catholics lived through a Catholic Cold War in which Catholicism above anything struggled against anti-religiousness. And spaceflight offered a unique argument for Catholics in this confrontation, because towards the end of the Space Race, the Soviet space program was sometimes framed as a profane program, symbolising the negative, self-destructive force of communism, and atheism in general. Lastly, by comparing the findings of this thesis with secondary literature about the responses of American believers, it turns out that French Catholics evaluated spaceflight differently than religious Americans. Whereas Americans generally had a much more positive outlook on spaceflight and saw reacted to the exploration as Americans rather than believers, while for French, this was the other way around.Show less
In this thesis the representation of gender in nine zombie films in the period 1968-2013 is analysed, partially based on the sociohistorical contexts they are created in. The analysis is build on a...Show moreIn this thesis the representation of gender in nine zombie films in the period 1968-2013 is analysed, partially based on the sociohistorical contexts they are created in. The analysis is build on a content analysis as well as a qualitative analysis of the material. This thesis explores genre-specific tropes through a gendered lense. Overall it was found that the sexualisation of female characters has increased notably over time, but they have been portrayed to be tougher simultaneously. Contrary to previous research this thesis maintains that the discussed zombie films effectively criticise stereotypical notions of gender roles through their ironic treatment of masculinity and overall favourable treatment of their female characters, who have a greater chance to thrive and survive if they transgress such roles.Show less
This thesis provides a new interpretation of German and British First World War poetry by comparing examples from both languages. By looking at the themes found in the soldiers' poetry it aims to...Show moreThis thesis provides a new interpretation of German and British First World War poetry by comparing examples from both languages. By looking at the themes found in the soldiers' poetry it aims to provide more insight in the personal experiences of German and British infantrymen in the trenches of the First World War.Show less
From the twelfth century onwards, a new culture of accountability spread throughout North-western Europe. Embedded within an ever growing body of written administrations and governmental...Show moreFrom the twelfth century onwards, a new culture of accountability spread throughout North-western Europe. Embedded within an ever growing body of written administrations and governmental bureaucracies, these novel accounting techniques reshaped relations between princes and their officials. This thesis describes this development in a comparative perspective through the study of the Scottish Exchequer and the Audit Chamber of Holland between 1477 and 1515. Comparing two peripheral areas on the fringes of the English and French cultural spheres of influence allows to re-evaluate persisting views of an inefficient and archaic Scottish Exchequer, as opposed to the 'Weberian ideal' of the Burgundian bureaucracy. Recent historiography shows that Scottish institutions in this period were different rather than backward when compared to their English 'big brother'. This appears to be as true for Scotland's auditing organisation as for the rest of its government. Both institutions primarily had a fiscal goal: the controlling of accounts, written financial records produced by accountable officials on both sides of the North Sea. Archival and judicial tasks supported this auditing process. Through a study of the format of important series of these accounts as well as their marginalia, it has been revealed that the daily practices surrounding the auditing process in Scotland and Holland showed important similarities. Notwithstanding this common ground, for a long time the audits and annotations in Holland seem to have been more elaborate than their Scottish counterparts. The latter show a clear development during the reign of James IV, making this a time of rather important innovations in Scotland. At the same time, consolidation rather than innovation could be observed in Holland. Ultimately, the central goal of all these auditing proceedings was the preservation of the royal or princely domain, in order to strengthen the government's financial position. Auditors in both Scotland and Holland possessed important tasks in the management- and assignation of individual domain goods, as well as judicial capacities that allowed them to enforce their authority upon minor accountable officials throughout the country. Through their work, the new written culture of probative accountability spread out over the country, becoming a daily reality for all that worked in any governmental position in either Scotland or Holland.Show less
This thesis uses the Just World Hypothesis and theories of charismatic leadership in order to explore the similarities and differences in the electoral campaigns of Richard Nixon in 1968 and Donald...Show moreThis thesis uses the Just World Hypothesis and theories of charismatic leadership in order to explore the similarities and differences in the electoral campaigns of Richard Nixon in 1968 and Donald Trump in 2016, focusing especially on the self-made man narrative, the use of media and the use of scapegoats.Show less
This dissertation explores the interaction between Australian foreign policy and the Indonesian Revolution. Central is the point that Australian foreign policy was shaped by the Indonesian...Show moreThis dissertation explores the interaction between Australian foreign policy and the Indonesian Revolution. Central is the point that Australian foreign policy was shaped by the Indonesian Revolution to an extent that few historians have recognized so far. After the Second World War, the Indonesian Revolution both posed a threat and was an opportunity for Australia. They wanted to create a stable region and were aware of how important it was to have Indonesia as a defensive ally, especially after the quick Allied defeat at the hand of the Japanese. They also saw a chance to build up a trade relationship with a country that was both rich in natural resources and had a lot of potential customers of Australian products. Before the Revolution, Australia had mainly counted on the British and their stronghold Singapore for their defence, and had been unable to conduct trade with the Netherlands East Indies on large scale, due to the protectionist policies of the Netherlands. Australia became aware that its own interests conflicted with those of the United Kingdom and the colonial system. It was because of this old colonial order that the Netherlands East Indies and Australia did not maintain extensive contacts with each other politically and diplomatically speaking, but were both still very much focussed on the countries that had colonized them. Even though those were on the other side of the globe, and Australia and the Netherlands East Indies were neighbours. With the Indonesian Revolution this could all change, and Australia saw the opportunity. However, the United Kingdom had dominated Australian foreign policy for so long, that Australia was still unsure what its own opinions on the situation were. But these developed pretty quick, after Australia was dragged into the conflict. The result of the Borneo Campaign was that they had to assume responsibility over the eastern part of Indonesia after the war, until the Dutch would return. A polarizing, nationwide dockworkers’ strike in the meantime made sure that everyone in Australia itself knew what was going on in the Netherlands East Indies. While they initially tried to work together with the Dutch to find a solution for the conflict, the Australians soon became fed up with their stubbornness and the relation soured after a couple of diplomatic incidents. The British consequently denied the Australians a place at the negotiating table, and though they accepted their position at first, their frustration grew with each failed British attempt to mediate an agreement between the revolutionary leaders of the Republic of Indonesia and the Dutch. When the Dutch launched a military attack on the Republican areas in July 1947, the Australians decided that it was time to act. Breaking through all traditional boundaries that divided countries in political allegiances at the time, it referred the Indonesian dispute to the Security Council, directly defying requests from their closest ally the United Kingdom not to do precisely that, in support of a non-white, non-Western, and non-Christian country that did not even exist yet. This was both a symbol of an emerging Southeast Asian – or Pacific – region, of maturing Australian independence, and of the unavoidable demise of the colonial system, but it was also a momentous development in the Indonesian struggle for independence. The Renville Agreement that was signed after the ensuing negotiations between the Netherlands, the Republic, Belgium, the United States, and Australia was itself not such a success for the Indonesians, but it would have far-reaching effects. For the first time since the outbreak of hostilities after the Second World War, the international community had committed itself to a peaceful ending to the Indonesian Revolution. And this support would turn out to be crucial in the subsequent episodes that would ultimately lead to Indonesian independence. This thesis shows that studying the Indonesian Revolution and its impact through emerging power structures, instead of along the traditional lines, can provide surprising new insights, both in the significant role Australia has played in the Indonesian Revolution, and how that revolution would help bring about a more independent Australian foreign policy.Show less
