In this thesis an analysis is made of the British parliamentary debates on European integration in the period from 1957 to 1975. This is done in order to better understand the role of identity...Show moreIn this thesis an analysis is made of the British parliamentary debates on European integration in the period from 1957 to 1975. This is done in order to better understand the role of identity narratives in political debates in general and specifically the role of conceptions of and narratives on British national identity in these parliamentary debates on European integration. During this period the United Kingdom first left the initiative to create an EEC, only to apply for membership three years later in 1961. After two failed applications the UK became a member state in 1973, which received direct popular support through the 1975 ‘in-or-out’-referendum after the Wilson government had renegotiated the terms. In this thesis it is argued that national identity narratives actively shaped political opinion in these years and thus the political process as well. Political, economic and other types of arguments were deliberately linked to and intertwined with identity narratives with the goal of generating political effect. By means of this research and its results this study seeks to add to the historiography on Britain and the European integration process, which had been lacking both in research focusing on political debate as well as in research on the role of identity narratives therein.Show less
The thesis deals with the political decisions of three members of the British labour movement in the period 1911-1923: John Maclean, Will Thorne and Ben Tillett. In particular, whether and why they...Show moreThe thesis deals with the political decisions of three members of the British labour movement in the period 1911-1923: John Maclean, Will Thorne and Ben Tillett. In particular, whether and why they chose to accept the existing British political structures during those years. The focus is on the constant re-assessment of the value of those institutions in times of crisis, and on which types of motivations played a part in the decisions that resulted from those perceptions and interpretations. The conclusion is that this constant re-assessment of their attitudes serves as a better overall explanation of the Labour Party's course during these years than ideological, structural or individual explanations - or at least adds to those.Show less
