Since the establishment of the UN, 80 former colonies have gained independence. However, in recent years, there have been a lot of different views on the current role of the UN in the...Show moreSince the establishment of the UN, 80 former colonies have gained independence. However, in recent years, there have been a lot of different views on the current role of the UN in the decolonization process. The criticism mainly addresses the Special Committee on Decolonization, but there is also criticism on the working of the UN in general. There are three types of criticism. The first is the fact that the decolonization process is out-dated, because the Special Committee has to stick to a mandate created in 1960, when there was still a lot of colonialism. The notion is that the colonies that are left can not be treated the same. The second is the fact that the there is a one-size-fits all approach to decolonization. This means that there are only three options in which the remaining non self-governing territories can be removed from the list. The third criticism on the decolonization process at the UN holds that Western interests are still seen as the most important and the non self-governing territories are decolonized according to a Western model. This criticism comes mainly from scholars, but also from member states and UN officials. Because of the fact that the criticism is so widespread and comes also from member states, the UN should do something with it. The criticism has risen in recent years because of the stagnation of the decolonization process. The stagnation occurred although there were special Decades for the Eradication of Colonialism, and these were thus seen as failed. This research examines to what extent the UN, and the Special Committee on Decolonization in particular, has handled the criticism on role of the UN in the decolonization process in the past ten years. It links the criticism with one of the remaining non selfgoverning territories. The case study is Tokelau, which is a small island territory of which New Zealand is the administering country. Tokelau is a non self-governing territory that did not face any internal problems. It is therefore very useful for this research, because then the main focus can on the working of the UN.Show less
There is a strong tendency in mainstream literature to discuss cross-strait relations in terms of security threats or growing economic interdependence. On the other hand, cultural exchanges have...Show moreThere is a strong tendency in mainstream literature to discuss cross-strait relations in terms of security threats or growing economic interdependence. On the other hand, cultural exchanges have received considerably less attention. Nonetheless, scholars that do elaborate on culture conceptualise culture as a fixed set of norms and values that fosters mutual understanding. Similarly, cultural exchanges between the National Palace Museum (NPM) in Taipei and the Palace Museum (PM) in Beijing are lauded as signs of warming cross-strait ties. Michelle Jana Chan (2010) remarked that the museum directors have risen above politics to organise their first joint exhibition in 2009. Yet, this thesis argues that politics is firmly rooted in cultural exchanges across the Strait. Taiwanese and Chinese governments have purposefully (re)constructed culture to determine what “true” culture entails, what goal it serves and what it says about the relationship between people on both sides of the Strait. From a poststructuralist outlook, multiple truths need to be elucidated as “the truth” does not exist. Presidential statements and documentaries about the NPM are analysed from a spatial perspective to explain how culture and the NPM are constructed through the ‘One China’ discourses and the ‘Taiwan-centric’ discourse, struggling to define communities, boundaries and realities rooted in the broader background of the collaborations between the NPM and the PM. This study contends that competing and changing meanings and purposes of culture embedded in these cultural exchanges are the result of power struggles and should be acknowledged as sources of conflict in cross-strait relations.Show less
El Salvador suffers some of the highest rates of violence in the world. Following the end of the civil war, violence in El Salvador remained high with politicians and media outlets blaming maras...Show moreEl Salvador suffers some of the highest rates of violence in the world. Following the end of the civil war, violence in El Salvador remained high with politicians and media outlets blaming maras for being the perpetrators of violence and insecurity in the country. Governments began to employ repressive anti-crime measures to remedy the country of high rates of violence, however, repressive policies were highly ineffective; led to serious prison overcrowding and failed to address the underlining structural causes of the problem. After years of ineffective repressive measures, the diffusion of preventive measures across the region by international actors had a positive impact in the reduction of crime levels and increased the state’s capacity to combat crime and improve citizen security. This thesis explores the effect of citizen security measures on the maras' violence problem in El Salvador. I argue that El Salvador’s shift from repressive anti-crime measures to preventive measures is an effect/result of political networks that incorporate the participation of NGOs, the private sector, civil society, and international community in the formulation of policy to attain citizen security in the country.Show less
After having relied almost exclusively on its soft power in order to gain more global influence and importance, Brazil decided to develop another tool in its foreign policies that is nowadays...Show moreAfter having relied almost exclusively on its soft power in order to gain more global influence and importance, Brazil decided to develop another tool in its foreign policies that is nowadays equally necessary: hard power. For the past decade, Brazil has faced two relatively new challenges: the securitization of the Blue Amazon and the preservation of its natural resources as well as the reinforcement of the South Atlantic region as one of its platform to exert its leadership. Brazil quickly realized that it needed to further increase its expertise in defense armament and to develop advanced technology in order to protect its sovereignty as well as to concretize its position in the South Atlantic. To fulfill this goal, President Lula has signed a few strategic partnerships with several countries, but the one with France is considered as the most crucial one. The partnership established between President Lula and President Sarkozy not only guarantees the cooperation between both countries in the construction of Brazilian submarines but also the transfer of technology and French savoir-faire. This partnership will allow Brazil to acquire more hard power and consequentially become a more significant global player. France, on the other hand, will see its defense industry expand and its global image as a reliable partner grow.Show less
The rise of Islamic State in the Middle East and the growing levels of religiously motivated attacks by European-born Muslims have illustrated a rising radicalisation trend in those domestic...Show moreThe rise of Islamic State in the Middle East and the growing levels of religiously motivated attacks by European-born Muslims have illustrated a rising radicalisation trend in those domestic communities. This points towards some of the results of integration policies in the European Union, thus demonstrating a necessity for a re-examination of those initiatives in the context of the current political and social environment. This is especially relevant for Britain and France who are amongst the countries with the biggest Muslim communities in the European Union. Therefore, this paper will use those two countries as case studies and examine how their domestic social and political environment has shaped the identity of their Muslim communities. The paper will also examine the various initiatives that both the British and French governments have tried to introduce to facilitate the integration of those groups. The analysis will likewise encompass the impact that those policies have on the wider population. As a secondary case study, this paper will explore the capabilities and limitations imposed on the EU by the Treaties (Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union and Treaties of the European Union).Show less
After the mid-1980s, it became necessary to harmonise asylum policy of the European Union (EU) due to the increasing number of asylum applications and the removal of internal borders between the...Show moreAfter the mid-1980s, it became necessary to harmonise asylum policy of the European Union (EU) due to the increasing number of asylum applications and the removal of internal borders between the Member States. To this end, Member States firstly approximated their asylum policies through intergovernmental initiatives and then gradually communitarised asylum policy of the EU via treaty reforms. The Amsterdam Treaty put asylum policy, for the first time, under the Community competence and subsequent treaties further increased EU’s competence. Meanwhile, the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) has been established under three multi-annual programmes, namely the Tampere, the Hague and the Stockholm Programmes. This thesis explores to what extent the Member States have transferred their competence in asylum policy to the EU in particular since 1999 when the Amsterdam Treaty came into force and the CEAS was introduced. It accordingly analyses both primary and secondary EU law on asylum with a critical legal approach. The development of the common European asylum policy and its gradual shift from the national to the intergovernmental and eventually to the supranational level resulting from the transfer of competence are also analysed from a neo-functionalist perspective.Show less
The German energy transition to renewable energy or in another world “Energiewende” has become the center of attention worldwide when the German government announced the total phase-out of nuclear...Show moreThe German energy transition to renewable energy or in another world “Energiewende” has become the center of attention worldwide when the German government announced the total phase-out of nuclear power from the country’s energy mix in short-term as a response to the nuclear disaster taken place in Fukushima in 2011. The complete energy transition of the German economy has had significant impacts on its energy sector and its actors. In the beginning of the 2000s we can see a strong centralization of the market and the emergence of the Big 4 companies, namely E.ON, RWE, ENBW and Vattenfall as dominant actors. In spite of their fast emergence into market leading positions, by the end of the decade, they had to face with serious challenges posed by the spread of new renewable technologies which threatened the own existence of the Big 4. Although there were visible signs that might have indicated the transition of the energy sector from conventional to renewable energy sources, they slowly recognized it and they were too slow to find answers to the challenges they had to face. Why were their reactions so slow? Did they adapt finally to the changing circumstances because of the crisis they had experienced? This seems to be a too easy answer for that question. Therefore this paper tries to contribute to the discussion on the German energy transition by examining the further causes of the above mentioned slow reactions and by investigating the organizational triggers which led the Big 4 companies towards adaptivity in the changed environment. By understanding this process, we can gain a better insight why formerly nonadaptive organizations shift towards adaptivity.Show less
European states have increasingly come to make use of surveillance technologies to control people’s mobility at –and beyond- the external EU borders. The use of surveillance technologies and...Show moreEuropean states have increasingly come to make use of surveillance technologies to control people’s mobility at –and beyond- the external EU borders. The use of surveillance technologies and techniques at state borders, however, does not stop at the geographical borderlines of a territory: the state’s focus has shifted from an emphasis on border control to a more general focus on the control or management of people’s mobility. Not all people, however, are faced with the same level of surveillance. All those regarded as (potential) deviants and/or as ‘not-belonging’, are being treated as an ‘Other’; and consequently, are subjected to intensified surveillance (Walby 2005: 184). In this thesis, I have investigated if and how these various intensity-levels of state surveillance affect people’s right to freedom of movement. In doing so, I have tried to find (an) answer(s) to the following question: How does the use of surveillance technologies at the border, as conducted by the EU, influence people’s degree of mobility?Show less
The research concentrates on the comprehensiveness of the EU crisis management. It is examined whether the EU is using the comprehensive approach effectively. With the term ‘effectively’ is meant...Show moreThe research concentrates on the comprehensiveness of the EU crisis management. It is examined whether the EU is using the comprehensive approach effectively. With the term ‘effectively’ is meant whether the approach has successful outcomes. The conflict in Mali is used as a case study to answer the research question. The research question of the master thesis is: ‘Did the European Union manage the Malian conflict with an effective comprehensive approach?’ In other words, did the EU have an integrated policy towardsMali with successful results?Show less
Data transfers are done on a global scale and are impervious to man-made geographical borders. Attempts to regulate them may therefore lead to jurisdictional overlaps. This paper focuses on the EU...Show moreData transfers are done on a global scale and are impervious to man-made geographical borders. Attempts to regulate them may therefore lead to jurisdictional overlaps. This paper focuses on the EU using its power to change standards abroad. This is done in light of the Normative Power Europe concept. This concept is a particular perspective on the EU’s international role and its influence on affairs beyond its borders. From this perspective, the EU promotes and spreads its norms to third countries or other external entities. When it comes to privacy and data protection standards, the EU seems to be doing exactly this. This paper is an attempt to anchor EU privacy policy in the broader theoretical context of Normative Power Europe, developing a subset concept: Privacy Power Europe. This entails the construction of a Privacy Power Europe ideal type, having various characteristic features. The paper then continues with an extensive evaluation whether the EU in its current form and actions in fact shows these characteristic features. The question is asked whether the EU is a normative power in the area of privacy and data protection.Show less
With the abundance of data and more sophisticated analytical capabilities, big data is receiving increasing attention in international relations research. This thesis intends to explore the...Show moreWith the abundance of data and more sophisticated analytical capabilities, big data is receiving increasing attention in international relations research. This thesis intends to explore the relevance of real-time big data analysis in violent conflict prediction and prevention by examining the state of the art of big-data based social science research, assessing the value of open data and elaborating on the question of access and the interests of stakeholders in data-sharing across sectors. Finally, three data sharing models will be visualised and the privacy vs. security dichotomy will be addressed.Show less
There are enough signs in the academic literature to reveal one of the main causes of sustained poverty in Africa: poor governance. The African Peer Review Mechanism means to improve African...Show moreThere are enough signs in the academic literature to reveal one of the main causes of sustained poverty in Africa: poor governance. The African Peer Review Mechanism means to improve African governance quality through collaboration and ‘peer training’. However, the APRM raises many concerns in the academic world. Firstly, states are not compelled to participate in the peer review program. Secondly, if they do sign up, the recommendations of the APRM are not enforced. Because of these issues, this thesis aims to determine to which degree the APRM has addressed poor governance in Africa since it was founded in 2003. First, this thesis evaluates the structure of the APRM and its relevance to good governance. Second, this thesis compares the institutional quality of the peer-reviewed APRM countries before and after undergoing review - creating two sets of data for the same group. Lastly, this thesis uses four case studies, following a constructivist approach. This section exposes alternative motivations to join the APRM (like a guise of good will). Also, by selecting four states (Botswana, Zimbabwe, The DRC and Ghana) that correspond to four potential positions on the APRM, it is possible to confirm or rule out common trends found in the statistical analysis.Show less
Since the 1954 and 1961 UN Conventions pertaining to statelessness, which were both signed and ratified by The Netherlands, there has been a lack of improvement in the situation of stateless...Show moreSince the 1954 and 1961 UN Conventions pertaining to statelessness, which were both signed and ratified by The Netherlands, there has been a lack of improvement in the situation of stateless persons. Although statelessness is quite widespread in Europe, there are only a handful of countries that actually have a statelessness determination procedure in place. The Netherlands is not one of these countries, although they are in the process of developing such a procedure at the moment of writing. Since statelessness is a serious problem, and The Netherlands is usually a country that values human rights and its position as a leading country in Europe, it is interesting to find out why there is no such procedure in place yet. This might be because in the years right after the drafting of both aforementioned conventions, statelessness and nationality were considered to be a national matter, and not an international one. This meant that there was little pressure from the international community in developing a procedure. However, since then much has changed, and it is now generally acknowledged to be an international matter, which needs to be dealt with accordingly. Not having a nationality, being stateless, is hard enough as it is, but at least if one has the official status of being stateless, there are procedures in place which allow for obtaining of the Dutch nationality after a period of time. However, if a person does not even have the official status of being stateless, they are stuck in a legal limbo which is extremely difficult to get out of. In this period of time, since they have no official status, they have hardly, if any, legal rights anymore. Even the universal human rights that many speak of are not attainable for this group of people. 6 Therefore this paper will deal with several aspects of the issue. Firstly, an overview of what statelessness means will be provided, including the definitions of de jure and de facto statelessness. Secondly, the question of why there is no statelessness determination procedure in place in the Netherlands will be addressed. This is followed by looking into the option of developing a European Union-wide set of standards for statelessness determination procedures and the framework in which this should be done. Finally, an overview will be given in the conclusion, followed by a set of recommendations for the development of the Dutch statelessness determination procedure.Show less
The question of British identity is a valid one in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish Referendum. Although 55% of the Scots voted against Scottish independence, nearly half of the Scots backed the...Show moreThe question of British identity is a valid one in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish Referendum. Although 55% of the Scots voted against Scottish independence, nearly half of the Scots backed the Yes-campaign on Thursday 18 September 2014 and thus favoured an independent Scotland over a united family of nations. In this thesis it will be aimed to uncover if and how the debate surrounding the Scottish referendum and its outcome has affected and will affect the soft power of the United Kingdom by answering the following question: to what extent has the debate surrounding the 2014 Scottish Referendum and its outcome affected the soft power exerted by the United Kingdom?Show less
