A deepening political crisis in Europe is accompanied by increasing civil discontent which directly translates into decreasing trust in political systems and political outcomes deficit of...Show moreA deepening political crisis in Europe is accompanied by increasing civil discontent which directly translates into decreasing trust in political systems and political outcomes deficit of legitimacy. It is already contributing to the emergence of potentially dangerous and exclusive policies as populism and Euroscepticism is on spectacular rise, endangering liberal democracies of the continent and the European regional project. Therefore, a search for political innovation that could effectively address these issues is excessively justified. This thesis seeks to offer a solution by investigating the possibilities to extend popular sovereignty of citizens via the better integration of technological advances into the political life of European states. Such intention could not only carry the possibility to nurse some of the most serious societal grievances but also would adopt the conduct of 21st century politics to the ongoing trends set out by the Fourth Industrial Revolution.Show less
This thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt...Show moreThis thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt after 2011. Given the long history the mutual interests between the US and Egypt, the study conducts a throughout discourse analysis on the US statements and speeches delivered in the period 2011-2014, using the method of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The analysis identifies three major narratives displayed by the US narrative, namely democracy promotion, regional stability/US-Egypt partnership and security interests, in order to understand how the discourses came together in the US rhetoric. More specifically, the thesis contends that, after an initial cautious support for the Egyptian democratization, the Obama administration increased the narrative on democracy promotion in 2011 and 2012, while associating it to the regional stability discourse. However, after the initial democracy euphoria displayed in the first two years after the revolution, the exam of the documents seems to reveal a notable prioritization of the security narrative in 2013 and 2014, especially with reference to counterterrorism practices and regional security. Finally, the thesis underlines the presence of a tension between the democracy promotion and the fostering of security objectives which worsened after the ouster of Morsi in July 2013.Show less
This thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians...Show moreThis thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians within north-eastern Anatolia; (iii) the Kurds within south-eastern Anatolia; (iv) and the Kurds within the Mosul vilayet (Southern Kurdistan/ present-day northern Iraq), from 1918-1926. The concepts of “Orientalism” and “civilisation” provide the theoretical basis and are applied to the sources analysed. The thesis argues that Britain’s actions were influenced by the prevailing stereotypes of each people and “civilisation”, but ultimately rooted in political and economic interest. The Paris Peace Conference presented an opportunity to strengthen Britain’s position in the eastern Mediterranean and in the Middle East through support for the design of friendly states and re-drawing the political map of the territory within the former Ottoman empire. Each case was part of the process of erecting a new imperial structure in the Middle East. This new structure was to be based upon the organising principle of ethnic nationalism, as promoted by the Allied powers, including Britain. The British role in each case can be described as: the leading supporter of Greek goals in Anatolia; predominantly a supportive observer of Armenian goals in Anatolia, leaving the French to play the role of lead supporter; a cautiously supportive observer of the Anatolian Kurds with little authority outside of its dictation of the Treaty of Sèvres; and a cautious detractor of the autonomy of southern Kurds, having occupied the Mosul vilayet in 1918 and held full colonial authority over it, experimenting with autonomy but ultimately deciding on its abandonment. By 1926, the goals of the Greeks, Armenians, and Kurds in Anatolia and Southern Kurdistan had not been achieved, and all had withered away in British Middle Eastern policy.Show less
PVV leader Geert Wilders is seen as one of the most remarkable and provocative Dutch politicians of the past 20 years. This is partly a consequence of the Islamophobic discourse that he uses in...Show morePVV leader Geert Wilders is seen as one of the most remarkable and provocative Dutch politicians of the past 20 years. This is partly a consequence of the Islamophobic discourse that he uses in order to argue that Islam, Muslims, and immigration pose a threat to the liberal Dutch and Western society. People have often argued that this Islamophobic discourse is discriminative and racist and is for that reason in conflict with the ideology of liberalism. However, Wilders and his supporters argue that the contrary is true and that he is actually protecting the Western liberal society from the dangerous illiberal Islam. Moreover, it has often been argued that liberalism is in fact a paradoxical ideology that historically has distinguished people on the basis of race, class, and gender. For that reason, Wilders seems to position himself well within the ideology of liberalism. By the means of a discourse analysis, this study attempts to demonstrate that Wilders’ Islamophobic discourse is in fact very much in line with the liberal ideology despite its racist and discriminative content.Show less
This thesis examines the contribution of the two Russian think tanks – the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) and the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) – to...Show moreThis thesis examines the contribution of the two Russian think tanks – the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) and the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) – to the development of Russia’s foreign policy in the Arctic. Given an increasingly significant role played by think tanks in the foreign policy-making process, it appears important to consider whether and how Russian think tanks could be involved in this specific policy area. The thesis applies the case study method and draws on the documentary analysis in order to answer the research question: How and to what extent have Russian think tanks influenced the development of Russia’s foreign policy in the Arctic? The analysis presented in this thesis indicates that, by providing specific ideas and policy options, both thinks tanks have affected the Arctic foreign policy process, especially problem identification and agenda-setting. Overall, the thesis finds that examining the impact of Russian think tanks on Russia’s Arctic foreign policy helps to explain more fully its nature and dynamics.Show less
