In 2009 the European Union introduced the Lisbon Treaty. One of the changes this brought about was the introduction of a permanent president of the European Council. With this transformation the...Show moreIn 2009 the European Union introduced the Lisbon Treaty. One of the changes this brought about was the introduction of a permanent president of the European Council. With this transformation the former EU presidency no longer exists and this thesis investigates the implications of this change. This is done by specifically looking at the national interests discussed in the European Council. Before the Lisbon Treaty Member States were able to influence the European Council by pushing their national interests, but based on the new institutional settings of the permanent presidency, this seemed after Lisbon more unlikely. An analysis of nine rotating presidencies of the Council of the European Union after Lisbon has been made and compared to the respective European Council conclusions of that period. The results show that in fact national interests have been discussed in the European Council. Nevertheless, only a third of all national interests has been discussed. On the other hand, the analyses also reveal that on average the discussed national interests in the European Council have significant similarity with the national interests of the Member States. Furthermore, the analysis brought also forward that certain national interests that seem not significant for the European Council have been discussed in the European Council, which could indicate that Member States can still push their national interests. In conclusion, national interests were discussed only to a low extent in the European Council, answering the research question of this thesis: to what extent are national interests of Member States presiding over the Council of the European Union discussed during European Council meetings?Show less
This thesis is analysing the main linguistic and visual characteristics of refugees and migrants represented in a selected number of printed media from France and Greece in the context of the...Show moreThis thesis is analysing the main linguistic and visual characteristics of refugees and migrants represented in a selected number of printed media from France and Greece in the context of the ongoing refugee crisis in Europe which started in 2015. Based on the postulates of Multimodal Critical Discourse analysis and van Leeuwen’s (2008) model of visual and verbal representation of social actors, news items will be deconstructed in order to demonstrate to what extent their discourse on migration is constructed in a negative way around the theme of otherness. Finally similarities and differences between the selected news outlets and the countries will be discussedShow less
Contemporary development studies needs a 'processual shift' from development to developing in order to transcend the static problematisation of African underdevelopment. The Washington Consensus...Show moreContemporary development studies needs a 'processual shift' from development to developing in order to transcend the static problematisation of African underdevelopment. The Washington Consensus and the Beijing Consensus still approach African underdevelopment according to a teleological view that is rooted in the belief that economic growth is necessary for achieving prosperity. By applying complexity science to the economy, this research fills the lack within International Relations (IR) of critically revising African development in contemporary, changing contexts. A model of economic evolution is employed to conduct a transformative analysis of Kenya's developing within the twenty-first century New Silk Road (NSR). Utilising the process tracing method to examine combined data sets, the researcher explores manifestations of the interdependence between evolutionary technological, institutional, and strategic forces. The analysis provides an innovative account of how and why economic evolution has emerged in Kenya. Future research should refine the model, but not define it: evolution is an endless process from which the economy as a complex adaptive system emerges.Show less
The announcement of the establishment of rapid response European Battlegroups (EUBG) in the Helsinki Headline Goal of 2004, functioning as the first European military capabilities, was marked as...Show moreThe announcement of the establishment of rapid response European Battlegroups (EUBG) in the Helsinki Headline Goal of 2004, functioning as the first European military capabilities, was marked as the start for the establishment of a common defence and security policy in the European Union. It is argued that the EUBG were a logical consequence of de further deepening of the European integration process at the end of the 1990s and would prove that even on such a sensitive issue the member states were able to contribute without only pursuing the national interest. This research focuses on the implementation and impact of the EUBG concept and shows that there must be a clear distinction between paper reality and the military feasibility of supranational cooperation. Subject to many determining factors the EUBG have never been deployed and are not recognized as common support until today. As such, this research seeks for the substantiation why the EUBG did not succeed in their primary task as accelerator of the integration process. This research suggests that without a policy-based embedding, a military executive organization misses not only the right facilities, but it is also insufficiently supported to be successful in the end.Show less
In October 2000, the United Nations Security Council passed the resolution 1325 on gender mainstreaming. Several resolutions on this topic have followed and together these resolutions form the...Show moreIn October 2000, the United Nations Security Council passed the resolution 1325 on gender mainstreaming. Several resolutions on this topic have followed and together these resolutions form the Women, Peace and Security agenda. This agenda encompasses all aspects of gender mainstreaming such as the protection of women’s rights in conflict and post-conflict, the prevention of sexual abuse against women and the enhancement of women in United Nations peacekeeping operations. This thesis particularly studies the latter issue, urging the Member States to deploy more women peacekeepers in peacekeeping missions. The larger deployment of women in missions is of high importance since the inclusion of women peacekeepers has advantages for conflict and post-conflict societies. Therefore, the United Nations advises the Member States to adopt a National Action Plan and aims to fully support national governments to implement gender mainstreaming in their policies and guidelines. This thesis hypothesises that there is a gap between the increasing policies established by the Dutch government in favour of gender mainstreaming and the reality of vast under-representation of Dutch women peacekeepers in peacekeeping operations. An analysis of the Dutch National Action Plans and Defence Action Plan demonstrates how the official Dutch governmental discourse fails to increase the participation of Dutch women in peacekeeping operations. The three main observations, resulting from this analysis, are the lack of internal focus within the national policies and the Dutch society on gender mainstreaming, the use of the word ‘women’ instead of ‘gender’ and the fact that the Dutch government treats the implementation of the policies as a final goal, while these policies are merely a sub-part of a larger effort. Therefore, it can be concluded that the official Dutch government discourse on the Security Council resolution 1325 shows the gap between the little change in Dutch women’s participation in peacekeeping operations and the adoption of policies in favour of gender mainstreaming.Show less
Military conflicts with a significant difference in military power or strategy between two opponents are called asymmetric conflicts. Since World War II, research proves military and technological...Show moreMilitary conflicts with a significant difference in military power or strategy between two opponents are called asymmetric conflicts. Since World War II, research proves military and technological superiority proved to be a highly unreliable ground to predict the outcome of wars. This thesis aims to develop a more satisfying answer on why big nations lose small wars in asymmetric conflicts. The weaknesses and strengths of the currently leading explanations on asymmetric conflict outcome are assessed and combined. Instead of creating another rival view, currently known decisive elements for asymmetric conflict outcome are combined in a new, more comprehensive model. Although further research should assess the significance of the individual variables and the relevance of possible other variables, this thesis concludes that if the duration of an asymmetric conflict is short, the external political pressure aimed at the strong actor is low, the internal political pressure in the home country of the strong actor is low, a symmetrical military strategy is adopted and the strong actor received more military support from an external actor than its opponent, the strong actor is most likely to win the asymmetric conflict.Show less
The thesis seeks to provide an explanation regarding the decision of the European Union to impose economic sanctions against the Russian Federation, after the latter’s involvement in Ukraine with...Show moreThe thesis seeks to provide an explanation regarding the decision of the European Union to impose economic sanctions against the Russian Federation, after the latter’s involvement in Ukraine with the annexation of Crimea, by using a constructivist approach. The argument of this thesis for the constructivist interpretation of EU sanctions against Russia lies on the notions of EU Identity and EU Shared Values. The analysis of the purpose of the sanctions, their relation with the international legal order and the decision making process leading to their adoption, results in an interpretation that can be satisfactory under the constructivist approach. This approach is useful in order to explain EU’s imposition of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation as part of its broader foreign policy. Furthermore, by employing the method of Congruence Analysis the thesis draws inferences between normative predictions deriving from the given theory and empirical observations. Moreover, the argument of this thesis concludes that the special character of the EU, the notions of its Identity and Shared Values affected its collective decision to impose economic sanctions. Ultimately, the thesis renders the European Union to fit the constructivist assertions regarding the functions of the international system.Show less
India has a mixed stance on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm due to its partial support to only pillars one and two and not pillar three. The first two pillars go hand in hand with the...Show moreIndia has a mixed stance on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm due to its partial support to only pillars one and two and not pillar three. The first two pillars go hand in hand with the country’s foreign policy on humanitarian assistance. The third pillar that states the responsibility of the international community to protect citizens from mass atrocities using militarily intervention is incompatible with Indian foreign policy’s longstanding commitment to sovereignty and non-intervention. To comprehend India’s stance on the R2P norm, this thesis traces India’s views on the earlier principle of humanitarian intervention. India’s past humanitarian interventions into its neighbours have taught the country that social change cannot be achieved through forced military intervention. While India has always been suspicious of western intentions behind intervention, the R2P norm is also a direct threat to India’s own sovereignty as it focuses on India’s domestic vulnerabilities such as its human rights situation. Combining Amitav Acharya’s theory of norm localisation and feedback, and Negron-Gonazales’ and Contarino’s theory on compatibility between strategic interests and local norms, this thesis argues that localization of the R2P norm has not been possible in India due to incompatibility of its strategic interests, domestic norms or both with the third pillar of the R2P norm. In order to localize and accept the norm, India has attempted to limit the definition of mass atrocities under the norm to ease the threat on India’s own sovereignty.Show less
In 2013, the small Latin American republic of Uruguay became the first country in the world to legalise the production, distribution and possession of cannabis, whether it be for recreational,...Show moreIn 2013, the small Latin American republic of Uruguay became the first country in the world to legalise the production, distribution and possession of cannabis, whether it be for recreational, medical or scientific research purposes. This move has received harsh criticism and at the same time was hailed as ‘the tipping point in the War on Drugs’. This thesis will assess the origins of the policies as put forward by the Uruguayan state. The thesis is divided in three chapters. The first chapter will provide the academic debate surrounding legalisation of drugs in general and cannabis legalisation in particular, and the most important arguments in favour of, as well as against legalisation. The second chapter will provide the historical and international context of the Uruguayan drug policies up to legalisation in 2013. In the third chapter a case study will be presented and this will answer the question as to why the Uruguayan Government of José Mujica chose to legalise cannabis, as well as present the results of the policies up until today. It will be argued that questions and concerns about security lay at the heart of the policies and their justification, but that the impact on the security situation in the country will be limited. The thesis will also contend that other objectives of the regulations, primarily aimed at ‘harm reduction’, the reduction of the negative social and health consequences of drug policies, are only limitedly achieved.Show less
During the Guatemalan Civil War, which lasted from 1960 to 1996, the indigenous Maya people of Guatemala have suffered immensely. Namely, 170.000 Mayas were killed and thousands have had to flee to...Show moreDuring the Guatemalan Civil War, which lasted from 1960 to 1996, the indigenous Maya people of Guatemala have suffered immensely. Namely, 170.000 Mayas were killed and thousands have had to flee to Mexico. In 1996, the Peace Accords were signed and promises were made for social justice of the Maya people in the education system, which had excluded them for centuries. At the same time, the World Bank started sponsoring a programme of heavily decentralized schools in Guatemala, called PRONADE schools, where local communities could easily open and manage primary schools through funding of the Ministry of Education. This thesis seeks to test to what extent social justice of the Maya people has been realized in these PRONADE schools compared to traditional public schools. Thereby, the approach of the Word Bank in schooling will be evaluated, using Fraser’s three-dimensional model of social justice as an indicator of success. Fraser’s dimensions of social justice consist of economic justice, cultural justice and political justice, which have frequently been applied to the education system. Fieldwork in Guatemala was carried out in March-April 2017, combining source analysis with in-depth semi-structured interviews. The results of this research show that, although the goals of the World Bank of equal access to quality education and the provision of bilingual education might have been partially realized, social justice still has a long way to go in the Guatemalan education system. Realization of economic justice in the PRONADE schools remains ambivalent, however, the PRONADE schools did score slightly better on cultural and political justice compared to traditional public schools, although by far not satisfactorily.Show less
Since the conflict in Syria started in 2011, an estimated 400,000 Syrians have lost their lives. The international community has failed to prevent crimes against humanity in the Syrian context and...Show moreSince the conflict in Syria started in 2011, an estimated 400,000 Syrians have lost their lives. The international community has failed to prevent crimes against humanity in the Syrian context and has been highly criticised for its inaction and incapacity. In this thesis, the source of this inaction will be investigated. Syria has manifested a divided United Nations Security Council (UNSC), unable to unilaterally act under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) banner. Those in favour of R2P increasingly face opposition from non-western powers. Russia has persistently opposed R2P action and advocates for a new form of R2P, the Responsibility While Protecting (RWP). The application of R2P in Libya can be identified as the reason for this shifting discourse of R2P. This thesis will argue the application of R2P in Libya led to a negative discursive shift of R2P, especially in relation to the military aspect of R2P. The focus will be on the Russian role in this shifting discourse since Russia holds a veto power in the UNSC, making it a key player in international politics. The Russian influence will be investigated through analysing two Russian UNSC speeches relating to R2P: one speech in the Libyan context, the other in the Syrian context. The speeches have been selected after thoroughly analysing all UNSC speeches dedicated to R2P. The two speeches have been chosen to analyse for they best reflect the shifting Russian discourse on R2P. A critical discourse analysis of these two key speeches demonstrate Russia’s position in the debate is indicative of a shift in the overall discourse on R2P, from relatively accepting to critical, moving into the direction of RWP. It is thus concluded that the R2P concept, in its current form, is in decline.Show less
The Nation-building Operation in Libya: A Two-sided Critique on Incapable Nation-builders and on the Claims of Postmodern Imperialism that Surround the Intervention
The research dealing with public attitudes has been around for many years. Citizens and their opinions have become very important in modern democracies as it is they who are the cornerstone of...Show moreThe research dealing with public attitudes has been around for many years. Citizens and their opinions have become very important in modern democracies as it is they who are the cornerstone of democratic systems. More attention has been paid to opinions at the EU level. Support for the EU among all Europeans has decreased and an era of Euroscepticism started. Scholars blamed many different reasons and events for increasing discontent with the EU, the lack of knowledge about the EU is just one of many. Slovakia has always been one of the most enthusiastic member states. In fact, this has not changed much despite the continental increase in Eurosceptic thinking. Moreover, Slovaks belong to more knowledgeable half of Europeans according to Eurobarometer and also this thesis. Despite a small drop in the positive views towards the EU among Slovak people in recent years, they stay on a positive side of thinking about the EU. This demonstrate no significant presence of Euroscepticism in Slovakia. However, the EP election turnout of Slovakia remains the lowest of all the member states and people are not interested in the EU affairs to a great extent at all. Hence, Slovaks in general cannot be classified as Eurosceptic as they express more positive views than negative, yet they definitely classify as indifferent.Show less
With a fast changing climate, it is important that the biggest economies are involved in altering climate change. China is the second largest economy and the biggest emitter of green house gasses,...Show moreWith a fast changing climate, it is important that the biggest economies are involved in altering climate change. China is the second largest economy and the biggest emitter of green house gasses, and therefor of utter importance in the fight against climate change. But the question is, is China indeed taking its responsibility?Show less
The EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and...Show moreThe EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and Scotland as well as in the Brexit referendum. This new political context provides an excellent opportunity to reassess the stance of the EU with regard to secessionist conflicts. This thesis uses this opportunity to build on the work of Bourne (2014) by analysing whether the political discourses of regionalist parties and EU representatives, on secession within the EU framework, changed between 2014 and 2017 – in the case of Catalonia, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The analysis shows that the only discourses that changed significantly over time were those of Sinn Féin in the Northern Irish case and of EU representatives with regard to Scotland. Besides change over time, it found change between cases; the discourse of EU representatives in the Northern Irish case represents a departure from the Prodi/Barroso Doctrine that was prominent in the Catalan and Scottish case. The findings also suggest that the EU’s unwillingness to be involved in secessionist conflicts as well as the dismissal of post-secession EU membership has not necessarily discouraged regionalist parties from using the EU to underline the civic nature of minority nationalism; the parties under analysis continued to seek legitimacy for their cause at the European level through strong normative language, while professing adherence to the EU (values) and the democratic will of the people. Finally, the thesis shows that the EU may have started to adopt a more active stance in secessionist debates – undeniably so in the case of Northern Ireland.Show less
In 2013 Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin announced their readiness to renew the dialogue on the Kuril Islands – the disputed territory that kept the Japan...Show moreIn 2013 Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin announced their readiness to renew the dialogue on the Kuril Islands – the disputed territory that kept the Japan-Russia bilateral relationship frozen for almost 70 years. Due to the territorial dispute, the Japan-Russia economic and diplomatic cooperation remained relatively underdeveloped, which provided a great opportunity for both to benefit from the improved bilateral cooperation. However, the breakthrough has never happened, since the Japan-Russia relationship deteriorated after Japan joined US sanctions against Russia due to Russian involvement in the Ukrainian Crisis. Conventional explanations cite that the United States pressured Japan into imposing sanctions against its national interest. In this paper I provide an analysis of Japanese sanctions against Russia to answer the question of whether US pressure on Japan resulted in reactive Japan’s foreign policy sanctions against Russia. Therefore this paper will put forward a case to answer the question of whether Japan’s foreign policy was influenced by it being a reactive state. For the purpose of this research, I analysed the three rounds of sanctions from March 2014 to July 2016 by using a process tracing method combined with attributed influence and preference attainment to identify and measure US pressure on Japan. Drawing the concept of a reactive state model I will demonstrate how the United States pressured Japan against Japanese national interest. By focusing on the extent of Japanese sanctions, I put forward the case that Japan was able to implement low-key yet independent policy in case of sanctions.Show less
This thesis assesses whether the EU is as a market power shaping third countries' legislation and policies as asserted by "Market Power Europe", a theoretical framework, which has been...Show moreThis thesis assesses whether the EU is as a market power shaping third countries' legislation and policies as asserted by "Market Power Europe", a theoretical framework, which has been insufficiently explored in the literature so far. More concretely it is scrutinised if electricity market liberalisation and emissions trading acquis has been externalised to Switzerland and Ukraine. First, it is shown that there is market power potential in the field of energy, as the European regulatory order was increasingly strengthened since the mid-1990s and gave birth to two significant markets for electricity and carbon emissions trade. Second, it is demonstrated that even though acquis externalization occurred to a certain extent in both cases, four intervening variables filtered the EU's market power. Indeed, market interconnectedness, political culture, the nature of the political system and the level of institutionalization of the EU's relations with a third country need to be taken into account when assessing the EU's market power in a given third country. These findings are not only theoretically relevant, they also suggest that the EU should concentrate on the development of its Single Market and regulatory order as well as on solid institutional framework conditions to cement its power towards third countries and enlarge its global influence.Show less
