Failure of governance, including domination, social exclusion, lack of social and economic freedom, and policies that favour elites can lead to social unrest. Causes of conflicts do not only come...Show moreFailure of governance, including domination, social exclusion, lack of social and economic freedom, and policies that favour elites can lead to social unrest. Causes of conflicts do not only come from economic and political grievances, but also from problems of governance. In the Middle East and North Africa, where patronage systems prevail and ethnic and religious tensions are dominant, the need to discuss issues of governance is important. In Syria, where protests from the Arab Spring led to an ongoing civil war, the northern part of the country is following a ‘third way’: the implementation of democratic autonomy and communes in which all ethnic and religious groups live together. The Rojava Revolution is an example of how people, no matter their backgrounds, can live together and where the patriarchal system can be subverted by overcoming nation-state principles. While definitions on the concept of good governance vary, some of its principles are of particular relevance to security, namely accountability, transparency and participation. In this context, this thesis examines the extent to which these political goods have been achieved in the north and east Syria and question whether the structure in place can set an example for rebuilding governance in conflict-affected areas. Examining local governance dynamics and the self-reliant economy in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, both in relation to regional and local conditions, provides a way to rethink the establishment of a long-lasting ruling coalition in conflict-affected areas under Middle Eastern terms.Show less
The aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the...Show moreThe aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the focus set upon the question what the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank are and how they play a role in the occupation of it. To answer this question, the thesis will explore the policies of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority next to the policies that are promoted in the West Bank by aid agencies and international donors. Israel’s neoliberal economic policies will be explained through its economic interests in the West Bank, such as land, labour, water and market. Furthermore, the study will look into the neoliberal economic policies of the Palestinian Authority and how the Palestinian capitalist class has been created through these policies. Lastly, the study will highlight the role of international donors and aid agencies in the West Bank and the means in which they apply their influence to promote neoliberal economic policies that sustain the occupation of the West Bank. The study will show that the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank contribute to its occupation and its dependency on the Israeli economy and international aid. However, not only Israel profits from the occupation, but also the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian elite through their cooperation with Israel.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way street children are perceived on these different levels influences policy approach. Street children are rejected by Egyptian society, and a negative stereotype about them dominates the public view. The choices that street children must make in their daily life accentuate these stereotypes. A recent paradigm shift in academia has led aid organizations from viewing street children as passive subjects of charity towards a more human rights-based approach. Despite this paradigm shift, the government has yet to adapt its policy and continues to treat street children as delinquents. This thesis calls for more research on the topic of street children, in order to map out the magnitude of the problem. Furthermore, I suggest that unless street children are perceived the same on all levels, no adequate solution will be found to the growing problem.Show less
This thesis discusses natural resource exploitation in the Western-Sahara through 3 themes: international organization, Morocco's elite & international capital.
Jordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main...Show moreJordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main debates on the field are increasingly revolving around the persistence of its political stability. The current thesis explores the persistence of the Jordanian monarchy since the onset of its political liberalization in 1989 and demonstrates that the regime in Jordan employed several regime survival strategies, based on legitimation, co-optation and repression in order to ensure its longevity. To better illustrate the current argument, the research that follows attempts a theory testing, based on these three key theories which - with the support of both primary and secondary sources - try to explain the puzzle of monarchical regime endurance in Jordan.Show less
In 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted from power following the Jasmine Revolution, a series of protests where women played an incredibly vocal and important role. However, this...Show moreIn 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted from power following the Jasmine Revolution, a series of protests where women played an incredibly vocal and important role. However, this dissertation seeks to argue that ‘The Woman Question’ in Tunisia is now more complicated than ever. Despite the comparatively progressive civil liberties Tunisian women have been granted, the reality women face in Tunisia is much bleaker than initially assumed in 2011. The aspects of co-optation, authoritarianism, class and religion will be used to assess how historically the conflicting issues surrounding women came to be, and the issues women face following the 2011 Jasmine Revolution.Show less
The eruption of the 2015 war in Yemen was a turning point in the protracted, deep-rooted conflict. Support from various regional and international players for the domestic adversaries further...Show moreThe eruption of the 2015 war in Yemen was a turning point in the protracted, deep-rooted conflict. Support from various regional and international players for the domestic adversaries further contributed to the complexity of an already stagnant conflict. This thesis first examines the main drivers behind the war through the lens of intractability theory and subsequently establishes the primary factors resisting peace negotiations. This thesis demonstrates that in the Yemen conflict, protraction, identity denigration and polarized solutions are the primary obstacles on the domestic level, whereas geopolitics and profitability are regional factors contributing to the intractability of the conflict. Despite the fact that the conflict is presently in an intractable position, the recent and unprecedented initiation of peace consultations in Sweden has become a silver lining in the entrenched conflict. In relation to these developments, the second part of this thesis analyses whether the Yemen conflict is presently ripe for negotiations. Following this analysis, a variety of suggestions for inducing the transition from intractability towards tractability are presented. This thesis contributes to existing studies on intractable conflicts by applying intractability theory to the case of Yemen and by proposing various methods to ripen the conflict for negotiations.Show less
The political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad,...Show moreThe political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad, to power. Assad’s authoritarian rule paved the way for Ba’ath party members and his immediate family members to accumulate wealth and power. This patrimonial approach has contributed to reshaping the class system and creating different types of the bourgeoisie. When Bashar Assad succeeded his father in the year 2000, the political-economic strategy in Syria changed a little by depriving the Ba’ath party members of their privileges and giving them to other prominent government officials and members of the country’s upper and upper-middle classes through neopatrimonial approaches. The new ‘state bourgeoisie’ in Syria did not only include Alawites who are directly related to Assad, but the new order also included Sunnis and Christians who were given a chance to get wealthy by proving their loyalty to Assad and cooperating with the regime. Since the beginning of the Syrian conflict in 2011, Syrian businesspeople have either continued supporting the regime or decided to remain silent and leave the country. Although the popular narrative of the Syrian conflict is largely sectarian in nature, sectarianism is not the only significant factor. Class has played a big role in the public’s dismay and contributed to the outbreak of the uprising. The business elite’s reaction to the conflict has contributed to the longevity of the conflict one hand and that of the Assad regime on the other. The loyal elites have benefited largely from this ongoing conflict whereas others who remained neutral risked the confiscation of their properties, and that of their family, and various terrorist charges. This thesis tackles the Syrian conflict from a different angle and highlights the role of the Syrian businesspeople.Show less
The Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian...Show moreThe Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian conflict, which started with peaceful protests in 2011. Such a narrative is based on a static and primordial view of Syria. As a response to that narrative this thesis uses social class theory to examine the years in Syria’s political economy in the years preceding the 2011 uprising. The five years before the uprising are important from an economic, social and political perspective as Syria initiated a transition to a social market economy. The two research question are as follows: How did Syria’s economic liberalisation from 2006 to 2010 change socioeconomic conditions vis-à-vis Syria’s civil uprising in 2011? And what role does social class play in Syria's socioeconomic grievances? The research questions are answered through case studies of the agricultural sector, investments in Syria, and the economic transition’s connection to the 2011 uprising. The case studies’ results are that socioeconomic conditions of lower and middle classes stagnated or worsened in the years before the uprising, displayed in unemployment and a widening wealth gap. Investments patterns in Syria in the economic liberalisation show how profits went those in the upper and ruling classes with ties to the regime. By that, it is concluded that class played a large role in Syria’s socioeconomic grievances that played a partial role in creating circumstances for the 2011 uprising. The explanation is, nonetheless, not sufficient on its own to explain the 2011 uprising. Future research on Syria’s political economy should continue to focus on classes and other social communities in order to provide better explanations for societal changes.Show less
This thesis looks at the case of Jordan and argues that corporatisation and privatisation efforts lead to improved success in economic efficiency, environmental sustainability, and social equity...Show moreThis thesis looks at the case of Jordan and argues that corporatisation and privatisation efforts lead to improved success in economic efficiency, environmental sustainability, and social equity for water management when sufficient regulatory capabilities exist. The success of water privatisation is disputed, both politically and academically. So far, evidence is inconclusive. This thesis develops an analytical framework for examining how privatisation may contribute to success in water management. Jordan is running dry, both financially and in terms of water. Given these circumstances, efficient water management is important. Jordan aims to solve its problems by involving the private sector. In applying the framework to Jordan, this work both establishes the validity of the framework and simultaneously shows that involving the private sector can be an appropriate approach for Jordan to tackle its water management issues. This insight has concrete policy implications: smaller scale private partnerships may be more appropriate than larger projects where less regulatory capacity exists. Even as they may have less impact, they can improve efficiency and are easier and less controversial to implement.Show less
To understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and...Show moreTo understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and cultural dimensions to argue how the shift in civil-military relations resulted in the Egyptian military facilitating a transition of power from Mubarak to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. By arguing about the shift in civil-military relations, this study uncovers that facilitating a transition of power as opposed to supporting the regime of Mubarak might have been 20 years in the making. Because of a shift from a clientelist relationship between the military and Mubarak to an internal clientelist relationship, the economic and political rise of Gamal Mubarak and the position the military holds within society based on a cultural-historic perspective, support for Mubarak became unlikely. Furthermore, this thesis adds to the theoretical critique on Huntington’s institutional theory by challenging the limited scope it offers to study civil-military relations.Show less
Why do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this...Show moreWhy do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this decision? This research delves into these questions by means of a comparative analysis between two state-minority relationships, that of the Amazigh minority with the Moroccan state and the Kurdish minority with the Turkish state. Whereas both minorities have been subject to their states’ nation-building endeavours, the Amazigh minority unlike the Kurdish minority has not resorted to violence as a response to this. Both factors related to the state and factors to do with minorities’ ability to mobilize have been shown to influence this decision. Based upon an historical analysis of these factors for both cases, the findings of this research strongly suggest that conditions of political exclusion and discrimination, heavy state interference in both the public and private domain, and violent state repression specifically aimed at an ethnic minority can explain the resort to ethnic political violence of minorities. At the same time, the findings call into question the explanatory capability of economic factors with regard to the rise of ethnic political violence.Show less
Denialism in Turkey has been a phenomenon which has gained significant precedence since the Armenian genocide of 1915. The Turkish governments over the last century have been accountable for...Show moreDenialism in Turkey has been a phenomenon which has gained significant precedence since the Armenian genocide of 1915. The Turkish governments over the last century have been accountable for several crimes which have been inflicted amongst several minority groups within the country causing a grave loss to their identities, memories, property and possessions. Denial has played an intrinsic role within the violence which has been inflicted amongst people to diverge the scene from criminal acts to portray justification of their motives instead.Show less
In 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February...Show moreIn 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February onwards, citizens demanded political, economic and social reforms. Most often, the situation there is presented in terms of a sectarian divide, but the thesis suggests that citizens were angered by restrictions to their right to muwatana, active citizenship. Through this analysis, particularly from the perspective of the citizenship approach, it becomes evident that the Bahraini regime has used citizenship as a tool of governance to keep control and to divide up the population. It has led to inequities between Sunnis and Shia, but also between Bahrainis and expats and between citizens from birth and naturalised citizens. Particularly, these groups are unequally represented in politics and society, have different opportunities to get employed and limited options to affect the political, social and economic outlook of their country. These factors have caused resentment among the population, stimulating them to rise up and seek other channels to have an impact.Show less
