In April 2014 an armed conflict broke out between pro-Russian separatists and the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the Donetsk and Luhansk (Donbas) regions in Eastern Ukraine. The extent to which the...Show moreIn April 2014 an armed conflict broke out between pro-Russian separatists and the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the Donetsk and Luhansk (Donbas) regions in Eastern Ukraine. The extent to which the Russian government supports the separatists of the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics remains a topic of scholarly debate. Numerous academics have come up with interpretations on Russian foreign policy towards Ukraine but these fail to explain the behaviour of the Russian government in Donbas. This thesis will assess what the foreign policy objectives of the Russian government are in Donbas and how these have changed since April 2014. During the first phase of the conflict, the Russian government attempted to introduce the neo-imperial myth of Novorossiya in order to justify separatism throughout South-Eastern Ukraine. This project failed as the separatist drive did not spread to the regions of Kharkiv and Odesa. Thereafter the Russian government started to focus on keeping the conflict ongoing by militarily intervening to prevent the Ukrainian Army from defeating the separatists but not letting the separatists win the armed conflict either. The Russian government governs the separatists republics without participation of Ukrainian separatists, provides them with necessary financing but at the same time drains the region of its economic resources. The main goal of the Russian government in Donbas is to destabilise Ukraine and keep the armed conflict ongoing by sustaining two highly disruptive separatist republics.Show less
This thesis focused on Russia's regional policies towards the traditional societies of Chechnya and Ingushetia during the period of 1991 till 2017. The thesis distinguishes Russia's different...Show moreThis thesis focused on Russia's regional policies towards the traditional societies of Chechnya and Ingushetia during the period of 1991 till 2017. The thesis distinguishes Russia's different approaches towards Chechnya and Ingushetia. These different approaches are inherent to the first three presidents of the Russian Federation. As the thesis will further explain, the obstacle with the implementation of Russia's policies in these regions, is the traditional character of the regions.Show less
This thesis paper researches and interprets the Russian federal system with the intention of observing it’s functioning throughout recent history. Foremost, the paper identifies that the Russian...Show moreThis thesis paper researches and interprets the Russian federal system with the intention of observing it’s functioning throughout recent history. Foremost, the paper identifies that the Russian federal system has experienced two radically different political environments, one of extensive decentralization and one of strong centralization, all within the historical experience since the inception of the modern Russian Federation (1991- ). Hence, the thesis statement and research question try to capture this phenomenon by asking: How do both centralization & decentralization impact the functioning of the Russian federal system? This question observes that there is an interplay between significantly centralizing and decentralizing a federal system, indeed, this paper attempts to observe the effects of both orientations in their most expressed form. The main intention being, to create a credible analysis of the two phenomena and the specificities of the two processes, in distinct time periods. The topics of federal ties, asymmetry, ethno-federalism and separatism are discussed distinctly in each wave of centralization and decentralization due to the persistence of these issues based on our scope of research and the time periods observed. Most importantly, these are hereditary issues spanning from eras that preceded the formation of the Soviet Union and issues that developed during the socialist era. In essence, in order to properly observe the Russian federal system, we mostly focus on the legacies of ethnic conflict, regional inequality and separatism as elements which are the product of and influence the processes of centralization and decentralization.Show less
The internal politics of an unrecognised state like Transnistria may seem like a forgone conclusion, as per the common reputation of such states being static, authoritarian "puppets" of Russia....Show moreThe internal politics of an unrecognised state like Transnistria may seem like a forgone conclusion, as per the common reputation of such states being static, authoritarian "puppets" of Russia. However, closer inspection of recent election results reveals a dynamic and unpredictable succession of regime changes that challenges not only our understanding of de facto state politics, but that of the workings and elite struggles of post-Communist "hybrid regimes" in general. Building on existing theory on regime change and democracy in the post-Soviet sphere and in unrecognised states in particular, the author then uses primary resources gained from numerous field interviews in Transnistria and Moldova to evaluate exactly where power lies in the de facto state, how it has shifted over the past election cycles, and what role is played by the mysterious patron, the "dark knight", Russia.Show less
Even though the Russian Federation achieved their goal during the second Chechen war, they failed to acknowledge some lessons that could have been learned. Even with the Soviet legacy of an urban...Show moreEven though the Russian Federation achieved their goal during the second Chechen war, they failed to acknowledge some lessons that could have been learned. Even with the Soviet legacy of an urban bias in counterinsurgency, Russian forces lacked a serious amount of training fighting in urban environment during the first Chechen war, leading to many casualties. This was a big lesson for the Russian Federation, but they did not come up with the proper solution for the second campaign. Instead of training on combat in urban environments, they concluded that forces should be trained to avoid urban combat. Forces however still had to engage in urban environments without the proper training, which meant they did not learn from the first war. In the first Chechen war communication an coordination errors contributed to many Russian casualties. Even though the Russian forces were able to learn lessons from incidents and apply them in the same battle, they were incapable of transmitting the knowledge beyond the soldiers and commanders who had designed it, causing the hard-won knowledge to be lost between the battles. This partially improved during the second campaign as friendly fire incidents decreased, but other coordination problems remained as the new commanders lacked experience using assets from different divisions. The not learned lessons were not decisive enough to change the ultimate outcome of the war.Show less
This thesis examines what role the Arctic plays in contemporary Russian politics. For this purpose, a thorough analysis of the Russian domestic discourse on the Arctic region is conducted. The...Show moreThis thesis examines what role the Arctic plays in contemporary Russian politics. For this purpose, a thorough analysis of the Russian domestic discourse on the Arctic region is conducted. The discourse analysis covers the period 2007-2018 and focuses on a few key figures who have arguably a significant impact on the Arctic discourse due to their centrality in Russian politics. The analysis shows that the individual narratives on the Arctic strengthen Russian national identity by promoting notions of foreign encirclement and the country’s exceptionalism and great power identity. Moreover, the discourse on the Arctic is provided with a temporal and overall coherence by selectively manipulating historical memory and drawing on a wide range of symbolic actions. In the second part of the paper the findings from the analysis are placed within the wider Russian political context. Thereby, it is shown that the Arctic discourse is not an isolated phenomenon, but that it is representative of a general shift towards an increasingly nationalist and patriotic rhetoric during Putin’s third term in office. It is argued that by creating a coherent and compelling national identity, the Putin regime seeks to buttress its fragile legitimacy. These findings imply that foreign observers and representatives need to be aware of Russian domestic political developments in order to properly assess Russia’s actions and interests in the Arctic region.Show less
Mikheil Saakashvili came to power in Georgia in 2003 after the bloodless Rose Revolution. He provided the people with the hope that Georgia would turn into a functioning democracy under his rule....Show moreMikheil Saakashvili came to power in Georgia in 2003 after the bloodless Rose Revolution. He provided the people with the hope that Georgia would turn into a functioning democracy under his rule. It turned out that these hopes were set too high. In this thesis I analyse how Saakshvili consolidated authoritarian rule, and how he used the security threats Georgia faced to achieve this.Show less
