Cuba: a closed-off communistic island with a rich Caribbean culture, is slowly breaking down its walls to welcome foreign investors in a haven of opportunities and limited competition. However,...Show moreCuba: a closed-off communistic island with a rich Caribbean culture, is slowly breaking down its walls to welcome foreign investors in a haven of opportunities and limited competition. However, Cuba is still fighting its way out of a difficult position formed by a fascinating history, filled with political unrest and economic sanctions placed by the United States (U.S.). The current state of their cooperation has gradually been changing in the past couple of years, and a drastic overhaul of the political state is approaching. This changing political and economic environment marks the necessity of change that is eagerly awaited by Cubans who for many years have been deprived of the possibilities that capitalism could offer.Show less
In the existing literature on nationalism, little research has been done that offers insight in the formation and deformation of national identities. This thesis will aim to do just that. The...Show moreIn the existing literature on nationalism, little research has been done that offers insight in the formation and deformation of national identities. This thesis will aim to do just that. The reason being that in 2012 it was the fourth time since independence a Tuareg led rebellion broke out against the Malian state. This thesis argues that a thorough understanding is needed of what constructs and deconstructs national identity to prevent a fifth rebellion to occur in the future. This thesis will contribute to such an understanding by building upon a political theory called 'Politics of Partaking', developed by Patrick Chabal, one of the leading scholars in African History and Politics. To answer and illustrate how Chabal’s Politics of Partaking help understand national identity construction among the Tuareg, it will take the four rebellions as separate case studies. The findings will suggest that Chabal´s Politics of partaking can help understand how national identities are constructed by analyzing the relation between the Tuareg and the state.Show less
This thesis seeks to analyze why austerity as an instrument and as an idea is still predominant within the European Union. It does so by combining economic and political perspectives of the...Show moreThis thesis seeks to analyze why austerity as an instrument and as an idea is still predominant within the European Union. It does so by combining economic and political perspectives of the Eurozone-crisis. The structural imbalances view of the Eurozone-crisis in particular plays an important role in this analysis. It can convincingly be argued that the Eurozone-crisis has, more or less successfully, been socially constructed as a sovereign debt-crisis of the European demand-led periphery. Instead, the view held in this thesis is that there is a triple complicity in the Eurozone-crisis: the demand-led periphery,the export-led core and the surrounding macroeconomic environment of the Eurozone.Show less
Though Western thought gained popularity and legitimacy in legal education after economic reforms were initiated, the role of defence lawyers remains ambiguous. The Constitution of the People's...Show moreThough Western thought gained popularity and legitimacy in legal education after economic reforms were initiated, the role of defence lawyers remains ambiguous. The Constitution of the People's Republic of China does grant the accused the right of defence (see Appendix 4.1 Article 125). However, with a formal legal tradition, in which criminal prosecution, investigation, and trial are handled respectively through the three segments of the so called 'Iron Triangle' (police, procuracy, and judges), defence lawyers are admitted little room to operate as representatives of their client, but rather pose a minor obstacle to the prosecution. The legal mind-set is crime oppressive with higher value on crime control efficiency than accuracy of legal conduct within the court, as well as in the pre-trial investigatory phase. Therewith, traditionally the 'Iron Triangle' was firmly aimed against crime, or rather the accused himself. However, the case of the defence lawyer Li Zhuang in 2009/10 raises the question of an alternative aim of the 'Iron Triangle'. Instead of focusing on the prosecution of the accused (Gong Gangmo), the case took a turn against the defence lawyer, incriminating Li Zhuang by actually applying testimony of Gong, the accused. The paper argues that, as shown on the case of Li Zhuang, the 'Iron Triangle' of China's legal conduct is not simply aimed at the prosecution and conviction of the accused and therewith the impediment of crime, but against the criminal defence as a concept of law. This will be shown on examining the trial of Li Zhuang on the following four factors: formal legal rule that directly counters criminal defence, and therewith shows criminal defence oppression through the legislature itself; intrinsic institutional deterrents on criminal defence in the judiciary; ideological factors in China's legal tradition, which impede criminal defence indirectly and simultaneously renders legitimacy to the actions against criminal defence by legislature and judiciary; and finally political motifs.Show less
This thesis tries to identify the effect of transparency on the perception of corruption and the level of political trust. The thesis consist of a broad theoretical framework and a specific case...Show moreThis thesis tries to identify the effect of transparency on the perception of corruption and the level of political trust. The thesis consist of a broad theoretical framework and a specific case study on a transparency law that was implemented in 2002 in Mexico. The transparency law seemed the result in a lower political trust, which was caused by a higher level of perception of corruption.Show less
In the last decade, Pro-Kremlin youth organizations became highly present in Russia’s socio-political environment. These organizations and especially the Young Guard of United Russia are seen as...Show moreIn the last decade, Pro-Kremlin youth organizations became highly present in Russia’s socio-political environment. These organizations and especially the Young Guard of United Russia are seen as the breeding grounds for Russia’s new leaders. The purpose of this thesis is to give the reader a better understanding of the factors that drive young Russians to participate in pro-Kremlin youth organizations.Show less
Throughout the past decade, two types of scandalous cases in Russia have been frequented in both the domestic and international media. These are cases of activism, and oligarch or elite corruption....Show moreThroughout the past decade, two types of scandalous cases in Russia have been frequented in both the domestic and international media. These are cases of activism, and oligarch or elite corruption. More specifically, the activism case of members of Pussy Riot was covered by news agencies worldwide, and their court cases were followed closely on a global scale. Contrastingly, the media handles cases involving individuals with a high ranking of authority or close affiliation with the governmental elites differently. This is especially evident in the case of Mikhail Khodorkovsky. The research question of How does the Russian media portray individuals and groups involved in scandalous cases of activism and oligarch corruption? Aims to discuss the similarities and differences to how these cases were handled by the Russian media.Show less
Since the 1950s, cities in the Global South have urbanized at a rapid pace. Often, urban growth was unable to keep up with urban planning. Among the main consequences of this have been high socio...Show moreSince the 1950s, cities in the Global South have urbanized at a rapid pace. Often, urban growth was unable to keep up with urban planning. Among the main consequences of this have been high socio-economic inequality rates and poor infrastructure. The global cities theory helps explain that cities are places where flows of e.g. people, ideas, goods and capital come together, make cities globally visible and connect them. Cities are influenced by, and influence other cities across the globe through these flows. This thesis has argued for a key role of Bogotá, capital of Colombia, as receiver and generator of flows of ideas and information about the impact of public transport like Bus Rapid Transit on socio-economic inequality. A physical global network of cities that have a Bus Rapid Transit system has facilitated these flows. Bogotá is considered as an example of ‘sharing’ ideas about the contemporary city in order to move forward.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to explore the role of Chinese economic involvement in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as in the specific case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, in order to evaluate the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to explore the role of Chinese economic involvement in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as in the specific case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, in order to evaluate the extent to which dependency theory accurately describes these relationships. While this paper argues that patterns of dependency might not be accurate in describing Sino-African trade, the same cannot be asserted when looking at Sino-Congolese trade, which appears to embody centre-periphery dynamics. However, when addressing Chinese economic relations with Congo, another major aspect that needs consideration is investment. The potential impact that Chinese investment could have in the DRC deepens the analysis on the nature of Sino-Congolese relationship and proves that dependency theory does not provide an accurate depiction even in the Congolese case.Show less
This thesis deals with the extent of which the government of Tajikistan has used the narrative of Islamist extremism and global terrorism in order to deprive its Islamic political opposition of its...Show moreThis thesis deals with the extent of which the government of Tajikistan has used the narrative of Islamist extremism and global terrorism in order to deprive its Islamic political opposition of its legitimacy and right to exist. In doing so, the Tajik government has made its final move towards the consolidation of its one-party rule over the former Soviet state. Firstly, the thesis' intention is to research how the Tajik government has used frames in order to undermine and crush its legal opposition. Second, it deals with the government’s general relation to religion in society, one which is mostly defined by unease and a wish to control Islam. It is argues that this second element has been crucial for the Tajik regime in order to effectively clear its political opponents. The main argument of this thesis is to demonstrate how, after years of relative political plurality, Tajikistan’s political dimension has shifted towards a one-party system with a closed political space.Show less
