In the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of...Show moreIn the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of these aid donors, having established a foreign aid system in its founding year 1971. Due to the lack of transparency in its aid practices and the small size of the country, the UAE’s aid practices have been understudied. However, some moves towards greater transparency have developed and thus renewed investigation into this question is possible (Almezaini 2012). One of the UAE’s major foreign aid beneficiaries is Egypt, particularly since 2013 when the largest share of UAE foreign aid was directed to the country (MICAID 2014). This thesis analyzes the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt since 2011. In so doing, it outlines theories of aid allocation and proposes an alternative to the theory of constructivism. Moreover, it posits that the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt are twofold: a desire to influence Egypt’s political landscape and a perceived threat of rising Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam rhetoric in a regionally influential country.Show less
This thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and regional actors in Syria. The research question of this paper is: What explains the hesitancy of the US involvement in the Syrian War? The research is focused on the red-line speech of President Obama to intervene in Syria and the following chemical weapon attack in Damascus. This study provides significant insight into the political relations between the US and Syria as well as the Syrian civil war. Many academic pieces of literature have been examined to combine valuable information about the power dynamics in the Middle East and their impact on the Syrian civil war. As a result, it is concluded that there are multiple causes behind the hesitancy of the US military intervention in Syria. These are listed as, the vetoes of Russia and China in the UN Security Council, the concern of non-ending regional war, the economic, political and humanitarian costs of the war, the emergence of the radical groups and the absence of strong secular opposition, the concern of state of chaos after the intervention, minor factors like difficult geography, population and the advanced air defense of SyriaShow less
The present Bachelor thesis looks at why refugees of Palestinian origin are treated differently from all other refugees and how this affects their rights. Palestinian refugees are the only group...Show moreThe present Bachelor thesis looks at why refugees of Palestinian origin are treated differently from all other refugees and how this affects their rights. Palestinian refugees are the only group that has been specifically excluded from the protection and the rights stipulated in the 1951 Refugee Convention. Although their ongoing displacement clearly constitutes a protracted refugee situation, Palestinian refugees do not respond to three-step solution that the UNHCR pursues in such situations: assimilation, resettlement or repatriation. By resolution 194 the United Nations in 1948 enshrined the right of return for the Palestinian refugees and created a dedicated agency, the Conciliation Commission on Palestine (UNCCP), to assure the collective rights of Palestinians. The UNCCP has become obsolete over the years without being formally abandoned and the UNRWA, the Relief and Works Agency that is tasked with the delivery humanitarian assistance is facing increasing restrictions. Being tied to weak organisations that were meant to offer some sort of protection, many Palestinian refugees today have to face the dilemma that only collective rights, as stipulated in resolution 194, preserve their right of return. Upholding this collective claim means that they have to no access to individual rights and thus suffer from a protection gap that is ever growing.Show less
This paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the...Show moreThis paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the debate on the concept of Middle Powers. While Egypt lacks economic power, it still perceives itself as a Middle Power and acts as such due to its ambitions, and large military capabilities. In the first empirical chapter it is found that Egypt’s historical legacy has embedded the notions of independence, external economic assistance and counter-Islamism in its foreign policy. In the second empirical chapter, the interests of Sisi’s government were identified as matching the historical constants of Egypt’s foreign policy, which also explains his support for Assad. Then, it was found that Egypt’s interests are conflicting with those of its main allies and donors – the United States (US), Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), but are rather convergent with the interests of Russia and China. Therefore, Egypt cannot overly support the Assad regime in Syria as this would potentially lead to a loss of needed financial aid.Show less
Through recent decades, Iran has consistently been faced with economic sanctions by the United States. Due to the hegemony the United States has over international monetary systems, sanctions can...Show moreThrough recent decades, Iran has consistently been faced with economic sanctions by the United States. Due to the hegemony the United States has over international monetary systems, sanctions can be detrimental. This was displayed in 2012 when Iran was sanctioned by The Society for Worldwide Interbank Telecommunication (SWIFT), an interbank messaging platform which can be influenced by the United States. SWIFT is responsible for facilitating $5 trillion USD in settlements daily. As a result, the Iranian economy suffered greatly as they could not facilitate their oil sales with international partners without SWIFT. This thesis seeks to find alternative payment and messaging platforms which may compete with SWIFT and assist in sanctioned countries to avoid the current hegemonic nature of payment and messaging platforms. In finding alternatives, two stand at the forefront of this economic discourse for sanctioned states. One being the Cross-Border Interbank Payment System which was established as a result of the internationalization of the RMB. And the rise of RippleNet, a blockchain based messaging and payment platform which has emerged due to the technological advances in the finance industry. In doing so, the paper analyzes shifts in global finance and its subsequent impact on sanctioned countries.Show less
“The ongoing rise of securitized discourses have completely changed the political landscape of European politics. Especially when dealing with the refugee crisis, the European Union and member...Show more“The ongoing rise of securitized discourses have completely changed the political landscape of European politics. Especially when dealing with the refugee crisis, the European Union and member states have taken a strong stance towards border management and operational security, mainly based on the state security model. This approach has been deemed controversial, especially in the case of the Central Mediterranean Corridor, due to the consequences it has had, and still currently has on the safety of those attempting to cross the sea. Moreover, in order to show the origin and further complications this approach has, the Central Mediterranean Corridor will be analyzed as case study, and the colonial past between Italy and Libya, main destination and transit countries of this corridor, will be investigated. The research carried out in this paper aims to question this approach and to show the fallouts it has on the security of humans. By analyzing stipulated policies and said fallouts, this research will show how the state security model is obsolete when dealing with the refugee crisis, and it will present an alternative framework for migratory policies, embodied in the human security model.”Show less
Over the past decades, migrant labour from South and South East Asia became more and more essential to the Gulf region’s economic development and migrant numbers continue to grow. This paper...Show moreOver the past decades, migrant labour from South and South East Asia became more and more essential to the Gulf region’s economic development and migrant numbers continue to grow. This paper provides an analysis of the political economy of the Gulf states, which aims at moving away from Gulf exceptionalism and oil centrism and instead, placing the Gulf within the global perspective of neoliberal economic development. With this in mind, the paper attempts to explain the increase in labour migrant numbers from Asia to the GCC countries after 1990, and examines these increases in relation to neoliberal economic developments, which occurred during the 1990s and 2000s.Show less
This paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation...Show moreThis paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation makes use of an adapted version of Bovens’ Framework for Accountability, incorporating five different forms of accountability – political, legal, professional, social, and economic. Through the application of this framework onto two case studies of Wagner Group in Syria and Blackwater USA in Iraq, it is evident that the use of limited accountability through only one or two forms of accountability is insufficient. It was found that in order for PMSCs to be rendered accountable to an unbiased independent body as suggested by this author, all forms of accountability should be used simultaneously. This paper further examines reiterating the importance of the oft-neglected social accountability, and how the role of morality at the human and public opinion level can shape the way in which regulatory measures apply. Through these findings, this thesis recommends the implementation of a series of new legislative measures, which utilise a multi-pronged approach incorporating not only legal methods, but social, political, professional, and economic measuresShow less
This thesis explores the link between migration and food security in Egypt, both in the short and longer term. Instead of relying on predictions and extrapolations typical of traditional...Show moreThis thesis explores the link between migration and food security in Egypt, both in the short and longer term. Instead of relying on predictions and extrapolations typical of traditional forecasting techniques, it uses the novel concept of 'scenario'. The question guiding this research can be summarized as follows: "What do the certainties and uncertainties of possible future migration trends reveal about food security issues in Egypt?". The research results in two scenario matrices, of which two possible scenario outcomes are further elaborated on.Show less
This thesis adopts a critical political economy approach in order to give/provide explanations as per why the peace process (Economic Peace initiative and the Oslo Peace Process) between Israel and...Show moreThis thesis adopts a critical political economy approach in order to give/provide explanations as per why the peace process (Economic Peace initiative and the Oslo Peace Process) between Israel and Palestine failed to improve the situation of Palestinian workers in the Occupied Territories and Israel. By applying Sara Roy’s conceptualization of ‘de-development’ to the case in analysis, this thesis shows that the precariousness of Palestinian workers, and their dependence on the Israel labour market, is a direct result of the economic and political policies that Israel implemented in the Occupied Palestinian Territories since 1967. By strengthening rather than loosening de-development in the Occupied Territories, the peace processes failed to ameliorate the political and economic status of Palestinian workers; thus, causing their precariousness and dependence on the Israeli labour market to persist.Show less
This thesis looks at the response to the refugee crisis in Jordan as an effect of the invasion of Iraq in 2003 on a national and international level. The legitimacy and effectiveness of non-violent...Show moreThis thesis looks at the response to the refugee crisis in Jordan as an effect of the invasion of Iraq in 2003 on a national and international level. The legitimacy and effectiveness of non-violent humanitarian intervention as well as international burden-sharing are discussed from a theoretical and empirical viewpoint.Show less
The uprisings across the Middle East starting in 2010, commonly referred to as the "Arab Spring," have drawn widespread international attention to themselves. Two of the most violent instances, the...Show moreThe uprisings across the Middle East starting in 2010, commonly referred to as the "Arab Spring," have drawn widespread international attention to themselves. Two of the most violent instances, the uprisings in Libya and Syria, have seen a very different approach from the international community while having similarities in terms of violence and violations of international laws. The thesis examines how international relations theories, namely neorealism, constructivism, and liberal institutionalism attempt to expla the change in tone with regards to the application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Each case study is examined in detail and both are related to international law which displays that R2P should have been invoked in both cases. A conclusion is drawn in favor of constructivism as the theory providing the best explanation for the change in R2P application.Show less
